Monday 6 August 2012

Survey probes how ‘whirlwind’ forces will affect higher education

The rise of the multinational university

A commitment to quality journalism

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Scam brokers nabbed at Phnom Penh airport

South Korea: New regulation will increase risk of exploitation for migrant workers

Amnesty International calls on South Korea’s Ministry of Employment and Labour to
withdraw a new regulation under the Employment Permit System (EPS) that would
dramatically reduce migrant workers’ ability to change jobs.


Under the “Measure for Improvement in Foreign Workers’ Change of Workplaces and
Prevention of Broker Intervention”, due to come into effect on 1 August, migrant
workers in search of new employment will no longer have access to a list of
prospective employers. Instead the Ministry of Employment and Labour will provide a
list of job-seeking migrants to employers only. If migrants are not recruited for a new
job within three months, they will lose their work visa, thus risking arrest,
imprisonment and deportation.


Under the new measure, migrant workers face further difficulties in changing jobs, as
any refusal of a job offer “without rational reason” will result in being struck off the
job-seekers list for two weeks. Amnesty International is concerned that these changes
will discourage migrant workers from leaving exploitative working conditions and force
many to accept jobs in order to avoid the penalties.


“South Korea’s new policy tips the balance even further in favour of exploitative
employers by unfairly penalising migrant workers who wish to change jobs,” said
Norma Kang Muico, Amnesty International’s Researcher for Asia-Pacific Migrants’
Rights. “In order to ensure continued employment, migrants are more likely than
South Korean workers to put up with poor working conditions, abuse and
exploitation.”

This new measure follows a previous amendment to the EPS, implemented earlier this
month, whereby migrant workers were allowed to renew their visas for another four
year and 10 month term, provided that they had no previous record of changing
workplaces. Migrant groups in South Korea have expressed concern that this, along
with the new measure, will put extreme pressure on migrant workers to stay with their
original employers, even in the face of exploitative working conditions.
Amnesty International’s research has found that restrictions on changing jobs severely
hinder migrant workers from raising abuses at work, such as late or non-payment of
wages or benefits, inadequate safety measures, and physical or sexual violence.
Amnesty International is concerned that the Ministry of Employment and Labour’s
policies affecting migrant workers increasingly undermine their human rights.
Similarly, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has repeatedly raised concerns
that EPS workers are vulnerable to discrimination and abuse, particularly if there are
insufficient safeguards to protect them in cases of infringements of their rights by
employers.

“The Government has a duty to protect the rights of EPS workers, but instead it has
introduced draconian policies which risk creating a pliant migrant workforce willing to
put up with abuse and exploitation,” said Norma Kang Muico. “The equality of labour
rights between migrants and Korean nationals, enshrined in the Constitution, simply
does not apply in practice.”

Amnesty International urges the Ministry of Employment and Labour to withdraw
plans to introduce the “Measure for Improvement in Foreign Workers’ Change of
Workplaces and Prevention of Broker Intervention” and to amend the EPS Act to allow
greater flexibility for migrant workers to leave their jobs and find new employment,
including removing restrictions and deterrents which are designed to stop migrant
workers changing jobs; the requirement for employer’s permission to change jobs; and
the time limit for finding a new job.

Saturday 4 August 2012

Soldiers Help Register Land

(Radio Free Asia)
2012-08-03
Cambodia sends soldiers to help provide land titles to villagers lacking the documents.

Cambodian authorities have dispatched soldiers to villages to help people register their land in a bid to ameliorate widespread land disputes in the country, but rights groups say the move does not go far enough.

The Ministry of Land Management, and the National Committee for Land Dispute Resolutions this week sent 700 soldiers to work as volunteers to register the land for the villagers and help them obtain land titles.

The project is effectively aimed at helping survey and demarcate the land for villagers who are the actual owners of the land but have no documents to back their claims.
The soldiers were the second batch in the project after authorities sent 1,100 soldiers to measure land and provide land titles to 35,000 families in 20 provinces.

The project is funded personally by Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has called it a “historic” mission to “eliminate land disputes” in the country.

Hun Sen’s son Hun Manit, deputy secretary general of the National Committee for Land Dispute Resolution, addressed the soldiers on Thursday, warning them not to take bribes while registering the land.

“Your tasks are not to resolve land disputes or play the role of judge. You are assigned to measure the land according to the people’s legal ownership,” Hun Manit said.

“We should not be a headache for the villagers; we must remain innocent,” he said.
Land disputes are an everyday occurrence in Cambodia, where rights groups say some 300,000 people have been forced off their land over the past decade.

The government has granted millions of hectares of land in concessions to private developers, in some cases pitting residents against developers and sparking protests.

Hun Sen said the project will help ease land disputes, warning critics on Wednesday not to accuse the soldiers of taking sides in the disputes.

“The soldiers will measure land that has [clear] legal ownership, and land that remains under dispute is not part of their work,” he said.

Long-term solution needed

But NGO and opposition party members were wary that the project, which is funded with Hun Sen’s personal money, was part of a ploy to gain political support for the ruling Cambodian People’s Party.
Sia Phearum, director of the Housing Rights Task Force, an NGO coalition that works to prevent forced evictions and housing rights violations in Cambodia, said sending soldiers to register land would not be enough to solve the issue of land disputes in the long run.

“From what I have observed, the prime minister’s effort is not sustainable,” he said.
“This is just for showing that the prime minister wants to put an end to land disputes.”
He said land disputes should be resolved through the court system and that the government should focus on making existing state resources more efficient in dealing with them.

Cambodia’s land issues date from the 1975-79 Khmer Rouge regime, which forced large-scale evacuations and relocations throughout the country, leaving who owned what land under question.
This was followed by mass confusion over land rights and the formation of squatter communities when the refugees returned in the 1990’s after a decade of civil war.

Hun Sen has publicly spoken out against an increasing number of land seizures. But rights groups questioned his commitment to protecting the Cambodian people from illegal land grabs and forced evictions since he authorized land concessions to three private companies in May, just after announcing a moratorium on further grants.

Reported by Sok Serey for RFA's Khmer service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.

Foreign Minister Blasts Tribunal Defense Over Witness Testimony

Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer
PHNOM PENH - Foreign Minister Hor Namhong has accused defense lawyers for stirring up controversy in their questioning of a witness at the UN-backed Khmer Rouge tribunal, who claimed the minister had been a member of the regime.

The witness, Rochem Tun, said in court that Hor Namhong had run Phnom Penh’s Boeung Trabek prison camp for the regime.

Hor Namhong said in a statement on his ministry’s website Thursday he was a prisoner there, “where I lost two sisters, their husbands, children and a niece as well as countless colleagues.” He accused the defense team of Nuon Chea, who is on trial for atrocity crimes, of politicizing the court and “stirring up controversy” for questioning Rochem Tun about his role there.

In 2008, Hor Namhong sued opposition leader Sam Rainsy in French and Cambodian courts for making similar claims about his role at the camp. But Rochem Tun told the court this week that Hor Namhong was in charge of the camp for the regime.

Noun Chea’s attorneys have in the past week pushed Rochem Tun, who was a messenger for top officials and a top administration official for the regime’s foreign ministry, to describe the roles of Hor Namhong and Keat Chhon, the Cambodian current Finance Minister. Keat Chhon has not commented on his role in the regime.

Both men and four other top government officials ignored summonses from the court to appear as witnesses in the current case against Nuon Chea, the regime’s ideologue, Ieng Sary, its foreign minister, and Khieu Samphan, its head of state.

Defense attorneys have said they cannot get a fair trial, given the opposition of top officials to the work of the court.

“It is unfortunate that those who continue to defend the legacy of the Khmer Rouge regime seek, in the interest of their defense, to deflect attention from themselves and their cases, by way of stirring up controversy around public figures like myself,” Hor Namhong said in a statement.

‘Secessionist’ Accusations Continue To Worry Rights Advocates

Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
WASHINGTON DC - Prime Minister Hun Sen has said he wants more suspects questioned in an alleged secessionist plot against the government, sparking concern among rights workers they will be stopped from doing their jobs.

A number of suspects have been rounded up for allegedly leading a plot in Kratie province, a government charge widely considered exaggerated. Among them is Beehive Radio owner Mam Sonando, who remains in prison awaiting trial.

Amnesty International said this week they considered him a “prisoner of conscience” and urged his release. But the premier’s continued pursuit of the so-called secessionist plot will create a chilling effect on rights workers, said Ou Virak, head of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights.

“There will be self-censorship,” he said. “When there is self-censorship, that means this fear will affect the effectiveness of NGO work.”

Mam Sonando’s arrest and the subsequent secessionist crackdown are bad precedents, he said, which could lead to less and less oversight of the government by civil society, whose advocates fear being charged in similar plots.

Mam Sonando is charged with leading the Kratie plot through the Association of  Democrats, following a violent government crackdown on villagers there.

Amnesty said in a statement, however, the real reason behind his arrest seemed to be the popularity of his association and his radio broadcasts, including news of an US-based group that has filed a complaint with the International Criminal Court over the government’s displacement of thousands of families in land disputes.

Four out of five men who were arrested in connection with the alleged secessionist plot have put the blame on Mam Sonando, according to Cambodian justice officials. Another man accused of leading the Kratie plot is Bun Rotha, believed to be hiding in Thailand.

Hun Sen said Wednesday he wanted an NGO official brought to court to answer for Bun Rotha’s escape from the country.

In interviews with VOA Khmer, Bun Rotha has denied there was a secessionist plot in Kratie, where villagers violently opposed a land grab, and said Mam Sonando had nothing to do with the demonstrations there.

Independent political analyst Lao Monghay said this week Hun Sen should leave the issue to law enforcement experts, rather than calling for more court action. His involvement makes the issue political, not legal, he said.

New Judge Has Chance to Improve Tribunal’s Legacy, Monitor Says

Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
WASHINGTON DC - Observers of the Khmer Rouge tribunal say they fear the UN-backed court is not going to be able to complete its work, leaving a failed legacy in the face of government opposition to two more cases.

Latt Ky, a monitor for the rights group Adhoc, said he is concerned with the slow pace of progress in cases 003 and 004, which would require five more arrests and indictments, but the recent UN nomination of an investigating judge could signal continued interest in their pursuit.

“I hope the UN will not leave these cases half way, because if they leave them half way, it’s a failed model for other criminal courts,” he said.

The tribunal, which stood up in 2006, has weathered continued funding woes, allegations of corruption and mismanagement and controversy over government interference.

It is now facing donor fatigue, with international funding dwindling, as well as disillusionment among those victims who have sought to participate in the process, Latt Ky said.

With the UN announcement this week of the appointment of Mark Harmon, an American judge, to replace a resigned investigating judge, the court has a chance to continue its work, he said. “But how much further it can go, I don’t know,” he said.

At stake in cases 003 and 004 are the potential indictments of five more Khmer Rouge cadre, whom prosecutors say were most responsible for mass killings at prison camps, in purges and in labor cooperatives.

Prime Minister Hun Sen has said these cases must not go forward, lest they unsettle former Khmer Rouge. Victims say they want the court to try as many responsible as possible.

Three investigating judges have resigned from their position since the tribunal’s inception. The most recent two were over the two cases, with the last judge, Laurent Kasper-Ansermet, claiming he had faced opposition from his Cambodian counterpart. The office has also seen walkouts of international staff over its handling of the cases.

Latt Ky said he wanted to see the two cases pursued to their conclusion, even if that means only officially naming the five suspects—something the court has refused to do, despite name leaks to local and international media.

Tribunal spokesman Neth Pheaktra said he believed the judges will be able to overcome any problems or differences through internal court procedures. “We don’t believe there is anything we can’t solve when there are obstacles in the future,” he said.

Asean Meeting Failures Continue to Ripple

Nash Jenkins, VOA Khmer
When the Asean Regional Forum came to a discordant end in Phnom Penh last month, analysts say the aftermath has exposed two brands of failure.

There were the more blatant shortcomings, like the inability to draft legitimate plans for resolving territorial conflict in the South China Sea, and then there were the consequences of these failings: a neglect of timely issues that have now found a place on Asean’s backburner.

Plans for economic integration in Southeast Asia were among the topics to hear little constructive discourse, as has been the case since Southeast Asian foreign ministers first drafted the outline for a “stronger, more united, cohesive Asean” in 2008.

The plans call for the establishment of the Asean Economic Community: a multilateral economic entity that will blanket Southeast Asian countries with a single-market system with the open flow of goods, services, capital, and investment. It is a comprehensive goal, fundamentally economic in theory but inevitably political and sociocultural in consequence, and an ambitious one, Asean officials and representatives have come to realize.

The Roadmap for an Asean Community, published in 2009 as a manual of sorts for the cohesion process, holds 2015 as the point at which the world will see clear results of the efforts in economic integration. The Community’s six-year construction period is now half over, with little marked improvement in terms of economic unification.

The plans themselves are broad-reaching and written with the trademark ambiguity of most Asean initiatives, touting the envisioned body as a “rules-based community of values and norms.”

The most substantive step towards unification since 2009 has been the implementation of the Asean Single Window – a loosening of customs standards, thus far only in certain member states – a process that “took years, step by step by step,” Gregory Poling, a research associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, said.

Baby-step progress, Poling said, is par for the course in Asean legislation, and that further steps in the creation of the Asean Economic Community will follow the same tempo. In other words, the 2015 benchmark is an empty one.

“You’re going to see it in every single effort,” Poling said. “Asean will set a timetable and say, ‘we’ll have currency markets linked by X date.’ When X date comes along, they’ll be at step one of five, and then they’ll all agree through consensus that they’ll go through step two, step three, and so on, until it’s finally finished.”

At present, what defines the network of Asean’s constituent countries as a whole is precisely that which does not. The 10 states that belong to the body are politically, financially, and culturally disparate, falling along a spectrum capped on one end by Singapore, with one of the world’s most developed capitalist economies, and on the other by nations like Laos, which appears without fail on the United Nations’ annual list of the world’s least developed countries.

Poling argues that this development gap is fundamentally prohibitive to integration: countries like Cambodia and Laos simply lack the capacity to keep up.

Accommodating the limitations of these countries often proves to be a matter of hindsight, resulting in a regular reevaluation of goals and schedules that ultimately leaves the underdog states – those on the mainland, generally – in the dust.

“Asean is notoriously bad at setting realistic timetables for things, and notoriously bad at changing those timetables when it becomes apparent that they’re not realistic,” Poling said. “[This] is why they make vague pronouncements like ‘the less developed countries will be exempted from these requirements until such a time where they are able to fulfill them.’ This essentially means ‘we’re going to move ahead minus mainland southeast Asia until they decide they’re ready to join.’”

Progress also falls short in the face of the region’s ideological clashes, exemplified by the disorder over the South China Sea issue at the Asean Regional Forum in Phnom Penh. The inability of Asean leaders to draft a clear plan for resolving the issue was amplified by heated disagreements and allegations of corruption, suggesting to many a fundamental lack of concord in Southeast Asia.

In short, Poling said, any real plans for Asean as an integrated, unified economic entity within the designated timeframe are “aspirational.” Progress will be seen most clearly on the upper end of the demographic spectrum, with middle-level countries like Malaysia and Thailand gaining the most traction. Ostensibly, the blueprints depict something similar in both fashion and function to the European Union, a parallel that has drawn concern in the wake of the Eurozone financial crisis.

Poling dismisses this similarity, expounding the words of Asean leaders.

“The EU is an entirely different model of integration than Asean,” reads a fact sheet distributed by Asean officials in 2008 to clarify concerns written in the blueprint for the Asean Economic Community.

Poling elaborates, citing crucial differences between Europe and Southeast Asia. Europe’s history is one of perennial conflict across the borders within it, contrasted with the relative isolationism of each of the individual nations in Southeast Asia. Above all, though, it remains an issue of disparity: the gaps in capacity between certain Asean member states are perhaps too wide to bridge.

“Look at the Eurozone,” Poling said. “Look at a place like Germany compared to Greece. That is one tiny, tiny fraction of the gap between a Singapore and a Laos.”

In the wake of Europe’s financial crisis, Asean leaders have further reevaluated their plans for cohesion. Asean has no plans for the creation of a common currency or political identity – defining hallmarks of the European Union – and if they did, recent history would question their potential efficacy.

For now, Poling said, Asean will continue to pursue the “low-hanging fruit” of integration opportunities: logistically tenable developments that, if nothing else, will tether the weakest countries in the region with stronger bodies.

Cambodia Spring' Unlikely, Political Observers Say

Nash Jenkins, VOA Khmer
WASHINGTON, D.C. - In the year and a half of turmoil that has followed the Arab Spring of early 2011, policymakers and analysts have turned to the geopolitical map to assess whether or not the domino-effect revolutionary patterns in the Middle East will catch on in other corners of the developing world.

Southeast Asia, a region with political instability and economic underdevelopment on par with that of pre-revolutionary Syria, has proven prone to this scrutiny.

However, there is little support for the notion of a “Cambodian Spring,” observers say.

The Cambodian government has long held the same characteristics that spurred upheaval after upheaval across the Middle East last year: corrupt processes of lawmaking with roots in patronage, a leader whose power seems to approach permanence in spite of “fair” and “regular” election, and a habit of persecution against those who speak out against it.

Still, that has not been enough to overcome the comforts Cambodians have enjoyed since decades of conflicted ended.
Ultimately, the Cambodian people must decide for themselves when it will be will be worth jeopardizing their hard-won relative security in pursuit of a modern democracy.

“Cambodians are becoming comfortable for the first time in quite a long time,” journalist and blogger Faine Greenwood told VOA Khmer. “They’re making more money, and they don’t want to mess things up… relatively speaking, things are OK.

Greenwood, who lived in Phnom Penh while reporting for the Cambodia Daily, maintains a blog in which she presents her take on the cultural and political affairs of Cambodia and the surrounding region. In a June 5 post, she responded at length to concerns that the flimsy democracy of longtime Prime Minister Hun Sen would prompt a widespread rebellion by the country’s people.

“As depressing as this may sound to outsiders, things will likely have to get much, much worse in Cambodia before the average citizen becomes even vaguely interested in jeopardizing the nation’s relative peace and stability in the name of revolution,” she wrote.

Greenwood said she was prompted to write her post by an article in Foreign Policy by former Phnom Penh Post reporter Thomas Mann Miller, who argues that a legitimate political shift is not on Cambodia’s horizon. To support this claim, Miller relies on the general inefficiency of the opposition Sam
Rainsy Party.

“Rainsy's strategy is premised on a shaky gamble: That the Cambodian people will risk the stability gained in recent years to confront a powerful and entrenched elite with control over all arms of the state,” he writes. “Analysts describe such a scenario as farfetched.

Greenwood, however, takes a broader approach to her disdain.

“[Miller] focused primarily on Sam Rainsy, but I thought there were some other real cultural issues and historic issues that have precluded any ‘Cambodian Spring,’” Greenwood told VOA Khmer in an e-mail.

In her essay, she highlights the wide disparity between the people of Cambodia and the revolutionary masses in the Middle East. The general lack of technological connectivity in Cambodia prohibits access from the media that largely sustained the Arab Spring, especially social media websites, which were so imperative for discussions and planning in Egypt and Libya that one Egyptian man named his newborn daughter “Facebook.”

“I think as more and more Cambodians get online, which is going to happen, it’ll be much more likely for something like this to happen,” Greenwood said. “It would be very hard to organize a revolution over Facebook or Twitter in Cambodia. Give it 10 or 15 years.”

Some hurdles, however, appear more difficult to break down. She points out the fact that in spite of countless government acts of repression against his people and its sizeable blip on the international human rights radar, Hun Sen ultimately isn’t widely unpopular in Cambodia.

“He does a good job of being a populist,” Greenwood said. “He’ll go out in the rice paddies. He’ll visit people in the provinces. He’ll be at every school opening, he’ll be at graduations, he’ll be at groundbreakings – he’s visible. People view him as a man…who’s been wounded in battle, as someone who understands them better than, say, Sam Rainsy.”

Greenwood concurs with Miller on the weakness of the Sam Rainsy Party as a viable alternative to Hun Sen’s regime, citing the opposition’s struggle to maintain popularity in recent elections. Sam Rainsy has seen a considerable decrease of support in the country’s larger cities, once a bastion for support of the party’s contrarian views.
Beyond the variable factors, however, she points out one crucial deficiency among the Cambodian people: the lack of any sort of revolutionary spirit. The mindset of many Cambodians, she says, is largely a passive one, a response to years under a leadership for whom free expression was a capital
offense.

“Some of the young Cambodians I’ve spoken with have said that their parents have told them all their lives that they shouldn’t fight or speak out – they need to be quiet and keep things as they are,” she said. “So many of these young people are thinking that things are OK right now. That might change.”

Friday 3 August 2012

Cambodia’s political merger: maximising the potential

Teachers protest relocation

120803_06

Push for new traffic law

Immunity verdict today

ASEAN diplomacy all at sea


 120803_01a

 Philippines Foreign Minister Albert del Rosario attends the ASEAN Regional Forum Foreign Ministers’ Retreat in Phnom Penh. Photograph: Hong Menea/Phnom Penh Post

The headaches at number 3, Samdech Hun Sen Street, have just been getting worse since the ASEAN summit at Phnom Penh’s Peace Palace in June descended into an ungainly squabble.

Cambodian diplomats and politicians at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have found themselves nose diving into a protracted bilateral dogfight with the Philippines – that has many commentators crowing is unbefitting of the ASEAN chair.

How Cambodia ended up trading barbs for weeks after the summit with a country separated from it by Vietnam and more than 1,000 kilometres of ocean has left many scratching their heads.

For the third time this week a Cambodian ambassador yesterday publicly bought into the dispute, which has raged over who was responsible for the failure of ASEAN to issue a foreign ministers joint communiqué during the summit for the first time in its 45-year history.

In The Japan Times Online yesterday, Cambodia’s ambassador in Tokyo, Hor Monirath, rehashed well-worn accusations that the Philippines and Vietnam had “hijacked” the communiqué by insisting it specifically mentioned their bilateral disputes with China over the South China Sea.

Cambodia’s assertion that bilateral disputes were an inappropriate topic for the communiqué  has infuriated Manila, which counters that the hosts obstinately thwarted any attempt to even negotiate over the contentious sea.

The Philippines, Vietnam and a handful of other ASEAN countries all make claims to the immensely valuable waters through which about half the world’s shipping passes and which China argues belongs almost entirely to them.

Officials at the Cambodian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Philippines Embassy in Phnom Penh were not available for comment yesterday.

Some cheeky commentators and one anonymous diplomat quoted in The New York Times, have suggested Cambodia was a little too close to cash-riddled China rather than its ASEAN brothers during the talks.

Monirath, the son of Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong, suggested in his article yesterday that “some media have gone as far as to try to paint a bleak picture of Cambodia’s Chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations”, and defended the ASEAN chair’s actions during the summit.

“Cambodia tried to prevent the dispute from further flaring up and to avoid adding fuel to the fire,” he said in the “clarification” published by the Japanese news outlet.

But this latest retort came just two days after Phnom Penh’s ambassador to Manila was publicly summonsed by the Philippines to explain what they deemed was an inflammatory letter to the editor published in the Philippines Star and is, if anything, only likely to exacerbate increasingly heated diplomatic relations.

Both the Cambodian Foreign Ministry and the Philippines Department of Foreign Affairs have engaged in public finger pointing, far away from the private corridors of civil diplomatic banter, variously accusing each other of “dirty politics”, “souring the mood” and “sabotage” at the summit.

Political analyst Lao Mong Hay said he was disappointed by the language and the fact that after Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa flew around the region to negotiate a face-saving ASEAN statement of principles on the South China Sea, the feud has continued.

“It seems at the foreign affairs level, Indonesia has done something positive already but it has not been able to unite or reunite and reconcile the two sides,” he said.

“I think we have talked enough about it [and] we should move on after this ASEAN statement; otherwise, you are playing into the Chinese hands.”

An undersecretary at the Indonesia Embassy in Phnom Penh who declined to be named, said the country “was always ready to step in whenever they need us to step in, but we still need for both sides to agree”.

ASEAN prides itself on a special relationship between members, dubbed the “ASEAN way” but one might wonder if the post-summit events have been an example of diplomacy the normal way or the ASEAN way.

Hor Namhong’s Comment over Controversy of Boeung Trabek Claims

AKP Phnom Penh, August 03, 2012

Deputy Prime Minister H.E. Hor Namhong has issued a short statement in response to a recent claim that he was in charge of Boeung Trabek prison camp during the Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1979).
“It is unfortunate that those who continue to defend the legacy of the Khmer Rouge regime seek, in the interest of their defense, to deflect attention from themselves and their cases, by way of stirring up controversy around public figures like myself,” said H.E. Hor Namhong, who is also Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, in his statement dated Aug. 2.

“The Khmer Rouge regime is an epic tragedy that continues to haunt Cambodia’s people today. As a prisoner at Boeung Trabek reeducation camp where I lost two sisters, their husbands, children and a niece as well as countless colleagues, I have nothing but sorrow and empathy for the victims and their families,” he said.

“Cambodians continue to suffer from the crimes of the Khmer Rouge even today. The Khmer Rouge not only destroyed a generation of Cambodian people but also, in many ways, a civilization. We are still rebuilding this civilization today,” he said.

“The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia is a court of law, and not a political forum, and I believe attempts to politicize the court or stir up controversy are inappropriate,” said H.E. Hor Namhong, hoping that on day justice is done and the legacy of the Khmer Rouge is given its proper place in the dustbin of history-without defense or controversy.

By SOKMOM Nimul

Cambodian spokesperson's clarification on the issue of the South China Sea

Tuesday, 24 July 2012 18:48

Mr. Koy Kuong, Spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia, has clarified as below the Cambodian position on the issues of the South China Sea in response to the Editor-in-Chiefs of the Cambodia Daily and the Phnom Penh Post, respectively, following the publication of the latter’s controversial articles entitled “ASEAN Founders in South China Sea Storm” and “ASEAN Struggle for Unity”:



KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA
Nation Religion King
*******

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
and International Cooperation

July 19, 2012

Mr. Kevin Doyle, Editor-in-Chief
The Cambodia Daily


Dear Mr. Kevin Doyle,

After having read the article entitled “ASEAN Founders in South China Sea Storm” published in your newspaper on 18 July 2012, based on stories from Reuters in Manila, I wish to clarify the following:

First, the brief malfunctioning of the microphone of the Philippine Secretary of Foreign Affairs was purely a technical hiccup which can happen anywhere around the world. In fact technical snags with microphones occurred several times during the series of meetings between 8-13 July. This little shortcoming should not have been blown out of proportion.

Second, on the comment that “ASEAN Chairmanship this year is the worst”, I wish to refute such a hasty and insulting conclusion based on non-consensus on the South China Sea issue, one out of more than 130 points which were discussed and agreed on. It is quite normal in a multilateral setting for a meeting to turn into a heated exchange and failing to achieve a common ground on issues that involve high stake of interests. It is also normal and has always been the ASEAN Way to drop the disagreed points for further deliberation and moved on with the many agreed areas. It was unprecedented and very disappointing that some ASEAN member states appeared bent on taking ship-scuttling position by imposing an ultimatum that their demand must be fulfilled. As Chair of ASEAN, Cambodia would like to keep the door open, thus giving a chance for further discussions and amicable settlement of the conflicts by the parties concerned.

Third, the assertion that Cambodia’s loyalty has been “bought” by China in relation to the South China issue is completely ludicrous. If the position taken by Cambodia is seen as having been “bought” by a larger nation, then could it not be said the same for the position taken by other sovereign states if it appears to be in line with that of a more powerful nation? Like other sovereign country, Cambodia must have its own position of principle to operate as an independent state, and would not want the AMM to be hijacked by a bilateral dispute.

Forth, since the report is filed by Reuters in Manila, it is not at all surprising that the based source for the story has nothing positive to say other than to paint a bleak picture of Cambodia’s Chairmanship of ASEAN. Cambodia does not wish to be a polemic, keeping in mind and aged-old Cambodian adage which says “If the dog bites you, do not bite the dog”.

Yours sincerely,

Koy Kuong
Spokesperson



KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA
Nation Religion King
*******

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
and International Cooperation

July 24, 2012

Mr. Alan Parkhouse
Editor-in-Chief
The Phnom Penh Post


Mr. Editor-in-Chief,

I find the article entitled: "ASEAN Struggle for Unity" by Mr. Roger Mitton, published in your newspaper, on 23 July 2012, full of wild and ill conjectures and deliberately insulting for Cambodia.

First, by referring to Cambodia as a “junior” member of ASEAN, Mr. Roger Mitton has not only insulted Cambodia, but also ASEAN, in suggesting that within ASEAN members are accorded and treated with higher or lower status. As stipulated in the ASEAN Charter, all ASEAN members act on the principle of equality and no member is considered lesser than others, regardless of their wealth and physical size.

Second, it is a fact the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' statement on ASEAN’s Six-point Principles on the South China Sea was issued on 20 July 2012, following Dr. Marty’s consultation with Cambodia, the Chair of ASEAN. But one should not ignore the fact that in several restricted meetings during the 45th AMM, Cambodia proposed to adopt a position which is exactly the same as the ASEAN’s Six-point Principles, but it was flatly rejected by two ASEAN Members having bilateral disputes in the South China Sea. This makes one wonders whether there was a plan to sabotage the 45th AMM that the same position put forth by the ASEAN Chair was not accepted then by the two countries. In fact the ASEAN’s Six-point Principles are even more fundamental and profound in significance for ASEAN to apply in dealing with the South China Sea issue, than the content of the rejected draft Joint Communiqué.

It is very regretful that, for the first time in 45 years, two ASEAN Members chose to block the 45th AMM joint Communiqué with an ultimatum for inclusion of direct reference to their bilateral disputes in the South China Sea. They essentially hijacked the 45th AMM and make the Joint Communiqué a hostage of their unyielding demand, a move completely contrary to the ASEAN way which has always been to put aside for further discussion any issue that members cannot achieve a consensus on.

Third, the assertion of Roger Mitton that "Cambodia took Beijing's side” ignoring its earlier promise to be a neutral mediator in regional disputes such as the South China Sea, is itself a very biased and unfair view. Cambodia's position of principle is that ASEAN should not take side and the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting is not a Court to rule against or in favour of any party in the disputes. As the ASEAN Chair and as it is the role of the Chair of any meeting, Cambodia had to prevent the already tensed situation from getting worse and to leave the door open for future talks by countries concerned. By not adding fuel to the fire, Cambodia has tried its best to fulfill its pledge to be a neutral mediator.

Forth, the reference to Cambodia as China's “proxy”, “paid” and “hired” by China in the form of large investment to sideline the South China Sea issue and to do “China's bidding” is really insane. Cambodia is only trying to be neutral in the bilateral disputes. If Cambodia is seen as a “paid proxy” for receiving large investment from a foreign country, then the same could be said to other countries that receive large investment from foreign countries.

Fifth, those who said the Peace Palace was funded by China are simply ignorant people. The building's construction was fully funded with the national budget of Cambodia. China provided assistance for construction of the adjacent building and not the Peace Palace where the Ministerial Meetings were held. The Ministry of Economy and Finance of Cambodia has all the documents on the expenditure for the Peace Palace's construction.

Sixth, the allegation that Cambodia “showed the draft communiqué of the 45th AMM to China in breach of ASEAN protocol” is extremely disparaging and slanderous. Those who made such a scathing attack against Cambodia, has no other intention than to defame Cambodia's credibly. When and where did Roger Mitton or the person who paid him to blurt out such a malicious accusation see Cambodia “show” the draft joint Communiqué to China? Cambodia is also aware who have been hired to launch this smearing and insulting campaign against it.

I wish to request you to kindly publish my letter in full, as soon as possible, in your newspaper for the readers' information, or face a lawsuit, according to the Cambodia Penal Code, for inciting insults against Cambodia.

Yours sincerely,

Koy Kuong
Spokesperson

Wednesday 1 August 2012

កម្ពុជា​នៅ​មិន​ទាន់​មាន​ច្បាប់​គ្រប់គ្រង​ព័ត៌មាន​តាម​បណ្ដាញ​សង្គម

2012-08-01
បណ្ដាញ​ព័ត៌មាន​សង្គម ហ្វេសប៊ុក (Facebook) ដែល​អាច​ប្រើប្រាស់​ទាំង​ភាសា​ខ្មែរ និង​បរទេស កំពុង​តែ​ក្លាយ​ជា​ចំណាប់​អារម្មណ៍​ចំពោះ​ពលរដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរ​ជា​ទូទៅ អ្នក​នយោបាយ មន្ត្រី​រាជការ ក្រុម​អង្គការ​សង្គម​ស៊ីវិល ក្រុម​យុវជន និង​អ្នក​សារព័ត៌មាន​ជាដើម។


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ទំព័រ​របស់​វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី នៅ​ក្នុង​បណ្ដាញ​សង្គម ហ្វេសប៊ុក (Facebook)

ក្រុម​អ្នក​សារព័ត៌មាន មន្ត្រី​ច្បាប់ និង​អ្នក​នាំ​ពាក្យ​ទីស្ដីការ​គណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ថា​ការ​ដែល​អ្នក​សារព័ត៌មាន​យក​រូបថត ពាក្យ​សន្ទនា (Comment) នៅ​លើ​បណ្ដាញ​ព័ត៌មាន​សង្គម ហ្វេសប៊ុក មក​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​នៅ​លើ​ទំព័រ​កាសែត​របស់​ខ្លួន ឬ​តាម​បណ្ដាញ​ឃោសនា​នានា រួច​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ប៉ះពាល់​ដល់​ផលប្រយោជន៍​គេ​នោះ នៅ​មិន​ទាន់​មាន​ច្បាប់​ណា​មួយ​អាច​គ្រប់គ្រង និង​ដាក់​ទោស​ទណ្ឌ​នៅ​ឡើយ​ទេ។

ប្រធាន​សមាគម​មិត្ត​អ្នក​សារព័ត៌មាន​ខ្មែរ លោក ឱម ច័ន្ទតារា ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា មនុស្ស​គ្រប់​រូប​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​ក្នុង​ការ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ។ ការ​ប្រើ​ពាក្យ​ឆ្លងឆ្លើយ​តាម​សារ​អេឡិចត្រូនិក​ជា​សាធារណៈ​នៅ​លើ ហ្វេសប៊ុក គឺ​មាន​ន័យ​ថា អ្នក​សារព័ត៌មាន​អាច​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​ដក​ស្រង់​ពាក្យ ឬ​ភាសា​អង់គ្លេស​ហៅ​ថា ខ្វូត (Quote) របស់​បុគ្គល​សាធារណៈ​ទាំង​នោះ​មក​ប្រើ ឬ​ចុះផ្សាយ​នៅ​លើ​ទំព័រ​កាសែត​របស់​ខ្លួន​ដោយ​មិន​ចាំបាច់​សុំ​ការ​អនុញ្ញាត ​ជា​មុន។

លោក​បន្ត​ថា រាល់​សម្រង់​ពាក្យ​ត្រូវ​មាន​ប្រភព​ច្បាស់លាស់ ហើយ​អ្នក​សារព័ត៌មាន​ក៏​ត្រូវ​គោរព​វិជ្ជាជីវៈ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ឲ្យ​ច្បាស់ ជៀសវាង​យក​សម្រង់​ពាក្យ​ពី​ប្រភព​ណា​មួយ​ដែល​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​ទៅ​មាន​លក្ខណៈ​ ញុះញង់ និង​បង្ក​មហន្តរាយ​ដល់​អ្នក​ដទៃ។

លោក ឱម ច័ន្ទតារា៖ «អ្នក​ព័ត៌មាន​គួរ​ឆ្លាតវៃ​បន្តិច។ សំដី​ណា​ដែល​ជា​សំដី​ពិត សំដី​ណា​ដែល​ជា​សំដី​ពាក្យ​ចចាមអារ៉ាម ដូច្នេះ​យើង​ត្រូវ​មាន​វិជ្ជាជីវៈ​ដើម្បី​ប្រើប្រាស់​បណ្ដាញ ប្រភព​ព័ត៌មាន​យើង។យើង​កុំ​ឲ្យ​ឃើញ​ថា កុំ​ឲ្យ​តែ​មាន​ទឹក​យើង​ចេះ​តែ​ផឹក​មិន​បាន​ទេ»

និពន្ធ​នាយក​កាសែត​រស្មី​កម្ពុជា និង​ជា​ប្រធាន​ក្លឹប​អ្នក​កាសែត​កម្ពុជា លោក ប៉ែន សមិទ្ធិ ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា កាសែត​រស្មី​កម្ពុជា ធ្លាប់​បាន​ដក​ស្រង់ Comment (មតិ) ពី​ប្រភព​នៅ​លើ​ហ្វេសប៊ុក មក​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​លើ​ទំព័រ​កាសែត ដោយ​យល់​ឃើញ​ថា មតិ​ទាំង​នោះ​ធ្វើ​ឡើង​ជា​សាធារណៈ ដោយ​មិន​ចាំបាច់​សុំ​សិទ្ធិ​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​ជា​មុន៖ «ទោះ​បី​ជា​គាត់​កំហិត​ជាមួយ Fan (អ្នក​គាំទ្រ) គាត់ ១​ពាន់ ២​ពាន់​នាក់​ក៏ដោយ តែ​វា​ជា​សាធារណៈ អ៊ីចឹង​ខ្ញុំ​យក ខ្ញុំ​ចាត់​ទុក​ថា នោះ​ជា Commentមិន​ផ្លូវ​ការ»

តែ​ទោះ​ជា​យ៉ាង​ណា លោក ប៉ែន សមិទ្ធិ បញ្ជាក់​ថា អ្នក​សារព័ត៌មាន​នៅ​តែ​ត្រូវ​ទទួល​ខុស​ត្រូវ​អត្ថបទ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ដែល​ដក​ ស្រង់​សំដី​ប្រភព​ចេញ​ពី​ហ្វេសប៊ុក។ ប្រសិន​បើ​ការ​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​ជា​ផ្លូវ​ការ​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ប្រភព​របស់​ខ្លួន​ប៉ះពាល់​ ផល​ប្រយោជន៍​ជា​ទ្រព្យ​សម្បត្តិ កិត្តិយស ឬ​ប្រឈម​នឹង​ការ​បាត់បង់​ការងារ​ជាដើម៖ «យើង​ត្រូវ​តែ​ទទួល​ខុស​ត្រូវ​ទៅ ​លើ​ផល​ប៉ះពាល់​ដែល​កើត​ឡើង​ពី​អ្វី​ដែល​យើង​ប្រើ ដូច​ដែល​យើង Interview (សម្ភាស) មនុស្ស​ផ្សេង​ទៀត​នៅ​ខាង​ក្រៅ​អ៊ីចឹង។ តែ​ច្បាប់​ទំលាប់​អំពី​រឿង​ហ្នឹង នៅ​ស្រុក​ខ្មែរ​យើង​នៅ​មិន​ទាន់​មាន​ជាក់ស្ដែង»

បណ្ដាញ​ព័ត៌មាន​សង្គម​ដ៏​ធំ ហ្វេសប៊ុក ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​ប្រើប្រាស់​យ៉ាង​សេរី​នៅ​កម្ពុជា ដោយ​គ្មាន​ច្បាប់​គ្រប់គ្រង។ អ្នក​នយោបាយ និង​មន្ត្រី​រាជការ​មួយ​ចំនួន​នៅ​កម្ពុជា ក៏​បាន​ប្រើប្រាស់​បណ្ដាញ​ព័ត៌មាន​នេះ សម្រាប់​ផ្សារភ្ជាប់​ទំនាក់ទំនង​សង្គម និង​មិត្តភ័ក្ដិ។ ជួន​កាល​បុគ្គល​ខ្លះ​ជ្រុល​បង្ហោះ​រូប​អាសអាភាស ខ្លះ​បន្លំ​ឈ្មោះ និង​រូបភាព​ក្នុង​ហ្វេសប៊ុក និង​ខ្លះ​ទៀត​ឆ្លងឆ្លើយ​សារ​អេឡិចត្រូនិក​ជា​លក្ខណៈ​បុគ្គល តែ​ត្រូវ​បាន​ក្រុម​អ្នក​កាសែត​មើល​ឃើញ និង​យក​មក​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​ជា​ផ្លូវការ​នៅ​លើ​ទំព័រ​កាសែត​របស់​ខ្លួន។

លោក ផៃ ស៊ីផាន អ្នក​នាំ​ពាក្យ​ទីស្ដីការ​គណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា ការ​ជជែក​នៅ​លើ​ហ្វេសប៊ុក មិន​ស្ថិត​ជា​លក្ខណៈ​ឯកជន​ទៀត​ទេ ព្រោះ​គេ​ដឹង​ជា​ទូទៅ​ថា បណ្ដាញ​ព័ត៌មាន​នេះ​ជា​សាធារណៈ ហើយ​អ្នក​សារព័ត៌មាន​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​ដក​ស្រង់​សំដី​របស់​មន្ត្រី​អ្នក​នយោបាយ ឬ​បុគ្គល​ណា​មួយ​មក​ប្រើប្រាស់​បាន​ជា​ផ្លូវការ។

លោក ផៃ ស៊ីផាន៖ «កាល​ណា Social Network (បណ្ដាញ​សង្គម) លើស​តែ​ពីរ​នាក់ លើស​ពី Group (ក្រុម) គេ​ពីរ​បី​នាក់ វា​លែង​ជា Privacy (ឯកជន) ល្គឹកណា​គេ​និយាយ​ថា ហ្នឹង​ជា​ព័ត៌មាន​ឯកជន​របស់​ក្រុម​គេ មិន​អាច​ប្រើប្រាស់​បាន​ទេ អា​ហ្នឹង​យើង​ប្រើប្រាស់​អត់​បាន​ទេ។ តែ​បើ​គេ​អត់​ដាក់​ហាម​នៅ​ក្នុង​ហ្នឹង អា​ហ្នឹង​យើង​អាច​ប្រើប្រាស់​បាន​ហើយ ជា​ព័ត៌មាន​សាធារណៈ​ហើយ»

ប្រធាន​ក្រុម​អ្នក​ច្បាប់​ការពារ​សិទ្ធិ​កម្ពុជា លោក សុក សំអឿន បាន​ពន្យល់​ផ្នែក​ច្បាប់​ថា នៅ​កម្ពុជា​មិន​ទាន់​មាន​ច្បាប់​គ្រប់គ្រង​ព័ត៌មាន​តាម​អ៊ីនធឺណិត​នៅ​ឡើយ ហើយ​គេ​មិន​ច្បាស់​ដូច​គ្នា​ថា រាល់​ព័ត៌មាន​តាម​ហ្វេសប៊ុក អាច​ចាត់​ទុក​ជា​ព័ត៌មាន​សាធារណៈ ដែល​អាច​ប្រើ​ជា​ផ្លូវការ​បាន ឬ​ក៏​អត់?
លោក​បញ្ជាក់​ថា អ្នក​កាសែត​ដែល​ស្រង់​មតិ​ប្រភព​ពី​ហ្វេសប៊ុក យក​មក​ប្រើ ដោយ​គេ​មិន​មែន​ជា​សមាជិក មិត្តភ័ក្ដិ (Friend) ដោយ​គ្មាន​ការ​អនុញ្ញាត​នោះ សាមី​ខ្លួន ឬ​ប្រភព​អាច​ដាក់​ពាក្យ​ប្ដឹង​ទៅ​អ្នក​កាសែត​បាន។ តែ​អ្វី​ជា​ឧបសគ្គ គឺ​ការ​ដាក់​ពាក្យ​បណ្ដឹង​នោះ អាច​មាន​ការ​លំបាក ត្រង់​ថា​កម្ពុជា​មិន​មាន​ច្បាប់​គ្រប់គ្រង​ព័ត៌មាន​តាម​អ៊ីនធឺណិត ដែល​គេ​ពិបាក​កំណត់​ថា តើ​ការ​ដាក់​ពាក្យ​ប្ដឹង​នោះ​ស្ថិត​ក្រោម​បទ​ចោទ​អ្វី​ឲ្យ​បាន​ច្បាស់?

លោក​បន្ថែម​ថា ជន​រងគ្រោះ ឬ​ប្រភព​អាច​ដាក់​ពាក្យ​ប្ដឹង​អ្នក​កាសែត​ទៅ​តុលាការ​ពី​បទ​បរិហារកេរ្តិ៍ ប្រសិន​បើ​ការ​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​នោះ​មិន​ពិត និង​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ខូចខាត​ផល​ប្រយោជន៍​របស់​ខ្លួន៖ «បរិហារកេរ្តិ៍​ក៏​មាន​ការ ​ពិបាក​ដែរ។ ដែល​ហៅ​ថា បរិហារកេរ្តិ៍ ឬ​ញុះញង់​បាន ទាល់​តែ​យើង​ធ្វើ​ក្នុង​ទី​សាធារណៈ​ដែរ ដូច្នេះ​មតិ​នឹង​វា​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ​ជា​សាធារណៈ ឬ​អត់...? មាន​ន័យ​ថា នរណា​ក៏​មើល​បាន។ កាល​ណា​មនុស្ស​លើ​ពិភពលោក​មើល​បាន ចុះ​មនុស្ស​ដែល​អត់​មាន​អ៊ីនធឺណិត និង​កុំព្យូទ័រ​មើល​មិច​បាន ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​ទាល់តែ​មាន​ច្បាប់​បញ្ជាក់​ទើប​បាន យើង​មិន​អាច​យក​អា​ហ្នឹង​ទៅ​បកស្រាយ​ទទេៗ​ទេ»

អ្នក​គ្រប់គ្រង​បច្ចេកទេស​ឃ្លាំមើល​ការ​រំលោភ​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស​នៃ​អង្គការ​ លីកាដូ (Licadho) លោក អំ សំអាត ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា ការ​ដក​ស្រង់​សំដី​ប្រភព​ពី​ហ្វេសប៊ុក ដោយ​គ្មាន​ការ​អនុញ្ញាត ជា​ការ​រំលោភ​សិទ្ធិ​ឯកជន ដែល​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ប៉ះពាល់​កិត្តិយស កេរ្តិ៍​ឈ្មោះ និង​អាច​ប៉ះពាល់​ដល់​ការងារ​របស់​គេ៖ «ខ្ញុំ​គិត​ថា វា​ជា​ការ​រំលោភ​ទៅ​លើ​សិទ្ធិ​របស់​គេ​មួយ​ដែរ គិត​ថា វា​មិន​ទាន់​មាន​បទល្មើស​ណា​មួយ​ដែល​អាច​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​បាន ប៉ុន្តែ​សាមី​ខ្លួន​គេ​អាច​ប្តឹង​បាន»

ទោះ​ជា​មាន​ការ​ពិបាក​ក្នុង​ការ​គ្រប់គ្រង​ព័ត៌មាន​តាម​ប្រព័ន្ធ​ អ៊ីនធឺណិត​ក៏ដោយ ក៏​ប្រធាន​ក្លឹប​អ្នក​កាសែត​កម្ពុជា លោក ប៉ែន សមិទ្ធិ មិន​ចង់​ឲ្យ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​បង្កើត​ច្បាប់​នេះ​នោះ​ទេ ដោយ​បាន​លើក​ឡើង​ថា គួរ​តែ​ឲ្យ​ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរ​មាន​សេរីភាព​អាច​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ​ព័ត៌មាន​តាម​ បច្ចេកវិទ្យា​ទំនើប​ឲ្យ​បាន​ពេញលេញ ខណៈ​ដែល​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​កម្ពុជា កំពុង​ធ្វើ​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​នៃ​ច្បាប់​គ្រប់គ្រង​អ៊ីនធឺណិត​នោះ។

សម្រាប់​លោក អំ សំអាត ក៏​បាន​ស្នើ​សុំ​ឲ្យ​អ្នក​លេង​ហ្វេសប៊ុក គួរ​មាន​ការ​ប្រុង​ប្រយ័ត្ន​ខ្ពស់ និង​កុំ​ភ្លេច​ខ្លួន​រាល់​ការ​បង្ហោះ​រូបភាព និង​ការ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​នៅ​លើ​ហ្វេសប៊ុក ដើម្បី​កាត់​បន្ថយ​ការ​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​ដោយ​គ្មាន​ការ​អនុញ្ញាត។ ម្យ៉ាង​វិញ​ទៀត​គួរ​តែ​សរសេរ​កំណត់​សំគាល់​មួយ​នៅ​ខាង​ក្រោម រាល់​ការ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ ដោយ​បញ្ជាក់​ថា ការ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​នោះ​វា​អាច​ប្រើប្រាស់​តែ​ក្នុង​មិត្តភ័ក្ដិ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ ប៉ុណ្ណោះ មិន​អាច​យក​ចុះ​ផ្សាយ​ជា​សាធារណៈ​បាន​ទេ៕

យុវជនខ្មែរចាប់អារម្មណ៍អាជីពជាអ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវកាន់តែច្រើន

http://www.khmer.rfi.fr/report-01-08-12

ក្នុង​រយៈពេល​​ប៉ុន្មាន​ឆ្នាំ​ចុងក្រោយនេះ​ យុវជន​​ខ្មែរ​ចាប់​អារម្មណ៍​លើ​អាជីព​ជាអ្នក​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​​កាន់​តែ​ច្រើន​ឡើង។ យុវជន​អ្នក​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​​ឯករាជ្យមួយក្រុម​ដែល​មាន​គ្នា​​ប្រមាណជា​​២០​​នាក់​ ​ដឹកនាំ​​ដោយ​​លោក កែម ឡី​ បាន​​និង​​កំពុង​​ធ្វើការ​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​លើប្រធាន​បទ​មួយចំនួន​​ក្នុង​នោះ​ ក៏មានផងដែរ ​គម្រោង​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​​ពីភាព​មិន​ប្រក្រតី​លើការ​ប្រឡង​​បាក់ឌុប​​ក្នុង​​ពេល​ ​ប៉ុន្មាន​ថ្ងៃ​ខាង​មុខ​ទៀត​នេះ។

ក្រុមស្រាវជ្រាវ​ឯករាជ​ត្រៀមស៊ើប​អង្កេត​បញ្ហា​ពុករលួយ​ពេល​ប្រឡង​បាក់ឌុប​

ដោយ លាង ដឺលុច

ក្រុម​អ្នក​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​ឯករាជ​មួយ​ក្រុម​ បាន​ប្រកាស​ថា ពួកគេ​នឹង​បើក​យុទ្ធនាការ​ស៊ើប​អង្កេត​រក​អំពើ​ពុករលួយ​ក្នុង​ពេល​ប្រឡង​ សញ្ញាបត្រ​មធ្យម​សិក្សា​ទុតិយភូមិ​នៅ​សប្តាហ៍​ក្រោយ​នេះ។ ​សំណូក និង​ភាព​មិន​ប្រក្រតី​នៅ​ក្នុង​ពេល​ប្រឡង​បាក់ឌុប​ត្រូវ​បាន​រិះគន់​ យ៉ាងខ្លាំង​ជា​រៀងរាល់​ឆ្នាំ​ដោយ​អង្គការ​ក្រៅ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល និង​គណបក្ស​ប្រឆាំង។ នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​នេះ មាន​សិស្ស​១១ម៉ឺន​នាក់​ដែល​ត្រូវ​ចូលរួម​ប្រលង​សញ្ញាបត្រ​ទុតិយភូមិ​នេះ។

ការ​ស៊ើប​អង្កេត​រក​អំពើ​ពុក​រលួយ​នៅ​ក្នុង​ការ​ប្រឡង​សញ្ញាបត្រ​ ទុតិយភូមិ ដែល​គេ​ហៅ​ថា​ការ​ប្រឡង​បាក់ឌុប​នោះ នឹង​ត្រូវ​ធ្វើ​ឡើង​ដោយ​ក្រុម​អ្នក​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​ឯករាជ​មួយ​ក្រុម​ដែល​ដឹកនាំ​ ដោយ​លោក​កែម ឡី។​ ជា​ការ​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​ក្នុង​ក្របខណ្ឌ​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ ក្រុម​អ្នក​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​យ៉ាងហោច ២០​នាក់ នឹង​ឈ​ជើង​នៅ​ក្នុង​មណ្ឌល​ប្រលង​ចំនួន​១០​ក្នុង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ ហើយ​នឹង​ជួប​សម្ភាសន៍​បេក្ខជន​ប្រលង​ដើម្បី​បំពេញ​សំណួរ​ប្រមាណ​២០​សំណួរ។

លោក​កែម ឡី ប្រធាន​ក្រុម​អ្នក​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​ឯករាជ​ដែល​មាន​គំនិត​ផ្តួចផ្តើម​បើក​ការ​ ស្រាវជ្រាវ​នេះ បាន​ពន្យល់​ថា ការ​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​នេះ​មាន​គោល​បំណង​ដើម្បី​បង្ហាញ​អោយ​បាន​ច្បាស់​ ថា​តើ​វា​ពិត​ជា​មាន​អំពើ​ពុករលួយ​មែន​ក្នុង​ពេល​កន្លង​មក ឬ​យ៉ាងណា​ ខណៈ​ដែល​មាន​អង្គការ និង​គណបក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​បាន​រិះគន់​បញ្ហា​នេះ ហើយ​ក្រសួង​អប់រំ​បាន​ច្រានចោល​ និង​បដិសេធ​ការ​រិះគន់​ទាំង​នេះ​នោះ។
លោក​កែម ឡី ​អះអាង​ថា ២​សប្តាហ៍ ក្រោយ​ការ​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​នេះ លោក​នឹង​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ​លទ្ធផល ​ជាមួយ​នឹង​អនុសាសន៍​ផ្ញើ​ទៅ​ក្រសួង​អប់រំ។

សម្រាប់​ប្រធាន​ក្រុម​អ្នក​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​ដដែល ការ​លើក​ឡើង និង​ការ​រិះគន់​អំពី​ភាព​មិនប្រក្រតី​ក្នុង​ពេល​ប្រលង​បាក់ឌុប​ក្នុង​ពេល​ កន្លង​មក បាន​បង្ហាញ​អំពី​ភាព​ធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ​នៃ​ស្ថានភាព​អប់រំ ហើយ​ប្រសិន​បើ​វា​ជា​ការ​ពិត​នោះ គឺ​ក្រសួង​អប់រំ​ត្រូវ​មាន​វិធានការ​ច្បាស់លាស់។
គួរ​បញ្ជាក់​ថា ស្រប​ពេល​ដែល​វិស័យ​បច្ចេកវិទ្យា​កំពុង​រីក​ចំរើន ទូរស័ព្ទ​ទំនើប​ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​ប្រើប្រាស់​នៅ​ក្នុង​ពេល​ប្រឡង​នេះ ដើម្បី​ស្វែងរក​ចំលើយ​ពី​ខាង​ក្រៅ។ នេះ​មិន​ទាន់​រាប់​អំពី​ការ​ផ្តល់​លុយ​អោយ​មេប្រយោគ​ដែល​នៅ​តែ​កើត​មាន។

នៅ​ក្នុង​ពេល​ប្រឡង​សញ្ញាបត្រ​ទុតិយភូមិ​ឆ្នាំ​នេះ មាន​បេក្ខជន​១១ម៉ឺន​នាក់​ដែល​ត្រូវ​ប្រលង​ក្នុង​២៥៤​មណ្ឌលនៅ​ទូទាំង​ប្រទេស។ ការ​ប្រឡង​នឹង​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​ទៅ​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី៦ ដល់​ថ្ងៃ​ទី៨​សីហា៕

 

 

Opinion: Confucius Institute Enhances Chinese Language Education, Cultural Exchange in NW Cambodia

  Please read from the Phnom Penh Post Please read from the Cambodianess  Confucius institutes have been playing a vital role in promoting C...