Sunday 9 June 2013

ASIA: The English language in the ‘Asian century’

Phan Le Ha Issue No:275

Asia is seen as the future for the internationalisation of higher education, and the globalisation of English is enabling this future. Countries in Asia have therefore started to align their internationalisation strategies towards this Asia focus.

For example, Singapore’s Minister of Education Heng Swee Keat concluded in his talk at the Singapore Management University on 16 February: “Asia is going to be a critical part of our future. The more we understand what is going on in Asia, the better our future will be. We must position ourselves as a global Asian hub that connects Asia with the world.”

The internationalisation of higher education and the English language play a key role in Singapore’s endeavour to become a ‘global Asian hub’ and to identify and create ‘advantages that others find relevant’.

However, it seems that the internationalisation policies of countries and universities in Asia seldom question the global dominance of English and what consequences it may have for knowledge and scholarship building and the general well-being of Asian societies in the long run.

Let me now turn to a few interrelated issues to elaborate this problem further. 

Scholars continue to raise questions related to the overemphasis on the English-only curriculum and the English-only mentality when it comes to what counts as valid knowledge and as legitimate intellectual sources in knowledge exchanges and knowledge production. 

More and more (academic) knowledge is produced in English, while less and less is produced in local (Asian) languages, partly because publications in English are valued and seen as a desirable sign of intellectual integration.

Many scholars, including Asians, also admit that they have not tried to publish in Asian languages. Many others do not see the need to learn Asian languages for their academic work because they have many Asian students eagerly wanting to ‘teach’ them about Asia through the medium of English. Their engagement with Asia tends to stop at the surface, and I believe this can be improved. 

The case of Japan

In a forthcoming article on the internationalisation of higher education, the role of English and national cultural identity issues in Asia, I analyse in particular Japan’s Action Plan 2003 to ‘Cultivate Japanese with English Abilities’ and the ‘Global 30’ Project 2008.

The former endorses the critical role of English for Japan’s advancement and integration, and notes the essential requirement for global communication through English language skills in the 21st century.

The latter aims to introduce English-medium programmes in Japan’s top 30 universities to partly promote Japanese higher education internationally, to provide access to English to Japanese students and to attract more international students to Japan.

One argument put forward in this article is that “the Japanese government’s policies to strengthen Japanese culture and identity through its English language education and the internationalisation of higher education are causing more concern regarding the government’s perceived identity crisis and a decreasing interest in Japanese universities from both Japanese and international students”.

What is more, while Japan has for a long time been paying more attention to minimising the potential of ‘losing’ the uniqueness of its national cultural identity through contact with English and the West under the pressure of globalisation, Japanese scholars have now warned the government and Japanese universities about something bigger and more fundamental. 

Precisely, they point to over-reliance on English and the potential loss of knowledge production in Japanese and other Asian languages, should these languages not receive serious consideration at a national level. 

Over-reliance on English 

With the expansion of English-language programmes, courses, schools and universities across Asia as a part of the drive to become international hubs of education, innovation and scholarship, the over-reliance on English is becoming even more alarming.

In certain settings, students start learning in English at a very young age. It is more common, however, that students stop learning and being taught in their local languages once they enter university.

Many students and academics do not know how to present a topic in their local language because they do not know the norms, genres, styles, concepts, theories and vocabularies needed to perform such tasks. They become ‘illiterate’ and thus much less sophisticated in their own tongues. 

One may also say that for many people in Asia, English is their native language and thus other local Asian languages are not necessarily their mother tongues and-or native languages; yet this group is still a tiny minority in the vast context of Asia. 

This phenomenon has the potential to (re)produce an unequal and somewhat superficial engagement with scholarship under the banner of internationalisation that is largely driven by commercialisation, the overindulgence of English in government policies as well as a nation-building agenda that tends to take many shortcuts to English while undermining local languages.

After all, the international role of English does not have to result in the impoverishment of knowledge and scholarship in other languages, and this needs to be realised in policy and practice of the internationalisation of education and language policies across the Asian region.

Likewise, English is never going to entirely replace local languages. However, it will create a divide in local societies between those who use English and those who do not. 

At the moment, the knowledge that circulates in the world of international education does so largely through the medium of the English language. It only indirectly touches those beyond the English-language world.

Part of the rationale for the internationalisation and globalisation of education is to make the world more equitable – that is, to allow people everywhere to have access to the same body of knowledge.

Does that rationale only apply to the English-language world? Or should policy-makers be thinking about how to move that equity beyond the language barrier, particularly in the context of the 'Asian century' and Asia-focused agendas worldwide? 

* Phan Le Ha lectures in the faculty of education at Monash University in Australia. She has been publishing in the area of English language education and international education. In her work, she engages critically with the debates surrounding the global status of English and the policy and practices of internationalisation. Email: ha.phan@monash.edu.

Wednesday 29 May 2013

Kem Sokha’s CPP-Loyal Brother Given Police Promotion

By - May 29, 2013

Kem Sokhon, the estranged brother of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) acting president Kem Sokha, has been appointed to a senior role within the Interior Ministry’s national police department, a week after he gave a televised speech lambasting his sibling.

According to a May 22 sub-decree signed by Prime Minister Hun Sen and King Norodom Sihamoni that was obtained Tuesday, Mr. Sokhon was appointed deputy director of the national police’s department of central security—a role created specifically for him—and given the senior title of major general. 

The sub-decree was signed just days after the newly minted Maj. Gen. Sokhon appeared on Bayon Television, which is owned by Mr. Hun Sen’s daughter Hun Mana, and warned viewers that the opposition SRP and Human Rights Party—both of which he was previously a member of, and which merged to form the CNRP—were useless, including his brother, and that only the ruling CPP works for the people.

Prior to his promotion, Maj. Gen. Sokhon was an adviser to the government and a brigadier general in the Interior Ministry’s secretariat.

“He has been a brigadier general for many years,” national police spokesman Lieutenant General Kirth Chantharith said by telephone Tuesday.

“It is the right time [to promote him], because he has worked for many years,” Lt. Gen. Chantharith added, without specifying how many years Mr. Sokhon had been a brigadier general.
Maj. Gen. Sokhon declined to comment on his promotion, or relations with his politically active brother.

In his televised speech, which Mr. Hun Sen on Friday said should be replayed in villages around the country in the lead up to the July 28 national election, Mr. Sokhon said: “You have to decide between the CPP and the opposition party. Who is working to help you, and who is just lying and cheating on you?”

Reached by telephone, Mr. Sokha chose not to comment on his brother’s promotion. “I would not comment, but citizens can make their own evaluation and know the tricks of the CPP,” he said.
CNRP spokesman Yim Sovann said the ruling party is merely using Maj. Gen. Sokhon in order to attack the opposition.

“In the CPP, anyone who is good at insulting the opposition party gets a position and a promotion,” he said. “It does not affect the party. Cambodian citizens know about the national and world history.”

Opposition slow to bite back in crisis

Kingdom lacks engineers: minister

8 Student Hun Sen University
Students at Hun Sen University attend a graduation ceremony last February. Photograph: Heng Chivoan/Phnom Penh Post
 


Because Cambodia’s youth has not focused enough on studying technical or engineering subjects, the Kingdom now faces a lack of human resources and the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports plans to reform the country’s education system, according to the minister in charge.

Minister Im Sethy said he foresaw businesses or office-work related subjects attracting more students at university level than engineering subjects.

“Now we see most [youths] have studied business, office work and communication, but they don’t pay attention and rarely choose subjects like engineering, and technical works,” he said.

Im Sethy said people who have had proper education, particularly university students, mostly focused on studying in fields where they don’t have to work in difficult areas, but prefer studying communication subjects, such as writing and speaking.

Education officials are learning from this situation and are looking to reform the education system in order to direct the youths to target their options for their jobs, he said.

He acknowledged that technical learning is important for improving the quality of work.

“We need to establish some places that are necessary in some provinces to train techniques [to the young],” he said. “We think further how to encourage youths – both boys and girls – who are studying in high school to have signals that direct them to study science and mathematics.”

According to the ministry’s Education Statistics and Indicators 2011-2012, Cambodia had 554,828 enrolled students studying from grade 7 to grade 12, while the students who finished high school totalled 90,000 last year.

Tech Samnang, adviser to the government and former secretary-general of the Accreditation Committee of Cambodia (ACC), agreed with Im Sethy, saying that most of the students have no confidence in their own decisions and chose subjects not based on their desires.

“They see immediate money and they flock to study that subject,” he said, adding that “when they apply for work, one company needs 10 employees, but applicants could be a thousand. How can they [be employed]?”

Cambodia needed a lot of engineering graduates, particularly in the agricultural sector, while most Cambodian youths thought that studying agriculture means going back to work on a farm, but they don’t know that they can use new techniques to produce more from the farms.

Heng Vanda, principal of the Vanda Institute, said recently there were about 8,000 students majoring in accounting.

He said the business major could be divided into many subjects, such as management, marketing, accounting and tourism which would enable the students to have jobs during their studying time, or let some of the students to set up their own businesses, such as running restaurants.

“Cambodia lacks human resources in higher skills such as financial analysis,” he said.

Sunday 26 May 2013

CHINA: Joblessness fears as record number of graduates hit market

MALAYSIA: Court quashes new private college registration rules

NETHERLANDS: Foreign PhDs urged to stay during strong expansion

SINGAPORE: Lack of students closes joint law course with NYU

Students ambush Subedi

United Nations human rights envoy Surya Subedi was ambushed last night by what appeared to be a co-ordinated student group while delivering a public lecture, raising suspicions that it was a political stunt.

Professor Subedi, who was delivering a lecture on international investment law at Cambodian Mekong University, had completed his lecture and was taking questions when the ruckus began.

Six students took to the microphone, all questioning the right of Subedi to report on Cambodia, with many students also questioning his impartiality and agenda – all to raucous applause from the packed house of university students.

“What the hell are you doing to Cambodia?” one particularly energised young man asked. “Will you lose your job if you say Cambodia’s human rights situation is good?”

“Your result [in your report] is the same as the opposition party. I don’t have any questions for you because I am very disappointed in you,” said another student.

Subedi responded to the students’ questions after they had all spoken, saying he was impressed by their “courage”.

“My reports on human rights are based on my analysis of the situation here. I listen to people from all walks of life. As a friend of Cambodia, I am offering my advice on how to improve the situation of governance in this country,” he said, adding that the UN does not “impose its will on anybody”.

“You will thank me in 20 years’ time. You are young now and you have a young sentiment. I salute it; I appreciate it,” he told the crowd. Following Professor Subedi’s response, University Chancellor Ich Seng was delivering the closing remarks when a group of students gathered at the hall’s entrance and unfurled banners calling for the elimination of the UN Special Rapporteur position.

A number of students seated around the hall then pulled out similar hand-drawn signs from underneath their tables and began chanting “No more Surya Subedi” in English.

The students then assembled outside the entrance, continuing their chanting and refusing to budge despite the requests of university staff.

The protesters refused to comment, although one told the Post they were members of a political student group.

A local NGO worker, who wished to remain nameless, said she recognised some protestors as members of the CPP Youth.

Some of the students assembled also questioned the protesters’ political motivation. “I think they are from the government youth . . . if they want to protest against Mr Subedi like this . . . and they want him to go out of the country, then I think they are supporters of the government,” 24-year-old Sokha told the Post.

However, a female student who was one of the six to launch a tirade during question time, insisted that she was not a member of a political party and came to the lecture of her own volition.

“I can say what my heart feels. I can say something that I know,” 21-year-old Hun Youn said.

Others who attended the lecture simply expressed their surprise at what had happened. “I did not expect this, and I think it’s not good because I support the special rapporteur. He is very good for Cambodia,” Narith, 30, said.

While Un Nay, 23, a member of staff at the university, said that although he did not expect the protest he supported the students’ right to do so. “If the action is effective for [Subedi] to hear it or for other people to hear it, it is good,” he said.

Gaye Valerie Salacup, head of the university’s international office, said the event was “not the venue” for students to voice their anger towards Subedi.

Subedi himself remained calm in the face of the protests, giving the Post a philosophical response as he exited the building:  “It was not surprising for me. They are learning and it is a process of learning. It will continue.”

Additional reporting by Sarah Thust

Hun Many looks towards the future

2 hun many speaks at interview karafox 
Hun Many, son of Prime Minister Hun Sen, speaks with the Post in Phnom Penh on Monday. Photo by Kara Fox
 
Prime Minister Hun Sen’s youngest son, Hun Many, is the first of his father’s progeny to officially run for public office. A father of three, Hun Many has studied in the United States, France and Australia. This year he threw his hat into the ring as a candidate to represent Kampong Speu province in July’s national election, surprising many observers who thought his elder brother Manet would be first to embrace parliamentary life. The deputy cabinet chief and head of the Cambodian People’s Party Youth Association spoke to the Post’s Chhay Channyda about stepping up into politics, foreign affairs and Cambodia’s future.

At the ASEAN summit last year in Cambodia, did you have the chance to meet US President Barack Obama? What did your father tell his children about the meeting between himself and Obama?
It was an incredibly proud moment, because in history, no serving US president had come to Cambodia. But [South Korean] President Lee Myung-bak, [Chinese] Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, former [Japanese] Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda and [Australian] Prime Minister Julia Gillard also joined the ASEAN summit.

In the bilateral meeting between the Cambodian prime minister and the US president, there was a lot of talk. I also know [what was said]. I recorded the meeting in the meeting room, so I learned a lot from this discussion.

During the meeting, it was reported that there was some tension on certain issues.
I can say, as I was present during the meeting, that those types of tensions are common among leaders, but it was not an absolute 100 per cent disagreement. Be they in England or France, people get information from different sources. So that was an opportunity for Samdech [Hun Sen] to clarify [the situation in Cambodia] regarding what the media had said [about Cambodia], and he told President Obama that he got his information about Cambodia from his network or diplomats.

However, the situation that I saw on that day was not a serious disagreement. In the end, there were handshakes, discussions, and they had dinner that night.

China often gives loans or assistance to Cambodia for the construction of roads, bridges and other development. In the ASEAN meeting, there was some conflict on the issue of the South China Sea and charges that Cambodia adopted a pro-China stance. How do you feel about the government’s stance on the South China Sea?
I think the issue of the South China Sea did not [suddenly] materialise in November. We discussed and debated. [Malaysian] Prime Minister Najib [Razak] said that the issue of the South China Sea is in the mandate of ASEAN and China, and it has to do with ASEAN and China asking for other friends [to help] in following the guidelines of the DOC [Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea].

[Indonesian] President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono also raised that point. In fact, I can raise these points [now], because now the case is out of our hands. We [Cambodia], as the chair of ASEAN, needed to coordinate and could not express our view. Samdech Prime Minister also co-ordinated in his role as chairman of ASEAN, but President Obama said he agreed that a moderate position is how to help push the COC [Code of Conduct in the South China Sea].

We talked about [the South China Sea issue] in Phnom Penh and also in Brunei, but in Brunei, they [the media] said nothing, but we heard the news in November 2012 [while Cambodia had the ASEAN chair] that there was discord over the South China Sea.

But there is the same position [in Brunei], urging the COC. I think I will wait and see if at ASEAN Plus at the end of this year, whether it will be an issue.

Concerning the leadership of your father, what key influences have you taken from him politically?
I remember in the 1990s, my father did not want his children to engage in politics, because in the circumstances where he was still seeking peace for the country, it was very difficult. On one hand, he was responsible for the fate of the country, and on the other side, he had to think of his wife, children and entire family. But [when] I think of my father or other leaders of the CPP, the first priority, the main point of the Cambodian People’s Party, is that in all circumstances, they live with the people.

I think we all should recognise not only party policies [but that] if there was no sacrifice 34 years ago, we would not have arrived here today. The IMF [International Monetary Fund] and other countries also recognised [these achievements] as well.

This is a key factor in the sacrifice to the cause of the homeland. This is a point that I learned from my father and other CPP leaders.

In a previous interview with the Post, you quoted former US President John F Kennedy, who said, “Ask not what your country can do for you but what you can do for your country.” What did you mean by that and how important do you consider the relationship between Cambodia and the United States?
I think that his speech was about sacrifice for the homeland. In fact, it reflects the real context of what’s happening in Cambodia, because if there had been no Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation [that liberated Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge], there would have been no sacrifice of fresh blood for the country. In that time, foreigners didn’t help us. I think regarding the other question, that the relationship with the US is crucial. If we study history, we suffered a lot of long centuries from war. So the CPP’s leaders said that Cambodia needs only friends, whether they are from the US, France, Australia or from within the framework of ASEAN, we want only friends, because this can develop our country.

I remember President Obama’s speech when he was receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 2008, he thanked the committee that gave him the award but said the American people voted for him, so his important task was to serve his people. That is, he wanted to show that even if the world wants the president to take a peaceful position, he serves his people first.

In the future, if you are selected as a lawmaker in Kampong Speu province, what are the most important issues you will aim to solve for your constituents?
Regarding rice this year, Kampong Speu province was affected by swirling winds and violent storms, so we went to the fields. We think the most important factor is to share in their [farmers’] willpower and woes. This is not new to the CPP, but we, the next generation, will help more.

Do you believe young members of the CPP should seek to lead the country in the same way their leaders have, or should they have a different vision?
The CPP says the first thing the party youth must understand is about what is changing.

This means we must not copy, but be creative. I also think that we need transparency, and where there is a lack of progress, we must reorganise.

We also have to gather the basics to be innovative. If we do not understand where we come from, and if we do everything by copying other countries, it is impossible. One thing an IMF representative in Cambodia said was that “The factor that will make the Kingdom of Cambodia succeed in the development of its economy is based on ‘when in Rome, do as the Romans do’. With development partners, discuss, but be creative where it is suitable in the context of Cambodia.”

And we think that for this language to be processed, the CPP Youth must clearly understand where we come from, know what those basics are. If the basics are strong as recommended by the CPP, we need to be creative with what we have irrespective of any other country. There will always be faults, but we are united better if we know what our basics are.

It is the same as a supporting beam if you want to make a roof. We have to think about where the roof is and whether there might be a high risk of the house collapsing. The achievements are not reserved for anyone or the CPP; they are combined and united, because today youth have more opportunities, so we must do what is better.

What are your ambitions for the future?
I’ve spoken enough now. Thank you.
Interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Lessons for Laos and Vietnam (Malaysian Election 2013)

ការក្រាញ​អំណាច​ជា «ជំងឺ» របស់​សង្គម​ខ្មែរ

ដោយ ប៉ែន បូណា (Radio France International-IRI)
ពុធ 08 ឧសភា 2013

សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍​របស់​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន កាលពីដើម​សប្តាហ៍​នេះ​ដែល​ថា លោក​នឹង​បន្ត​កាន់តំណែង​រហូតដល់​អាយុ​ជាង​៧០​ឆ្នាំ​នោះ បាន​បង្កើត​ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​ជជែក​គ្នា​យ៉ាង​ផុលផុស​អំពី​អាណត្តិ​របស់​មេដឹកនាំ​ កម្ពុជា។ មតិ​ខ្លះ​បាន​រិះគន់​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី​ថា​នៅ «ក្រាញ​អំណាច» ទោះបីជា​ខ្លួន​កាន់​តំណែង​យូរហើយ​ក៏ដោយ។ ប៉ុន្តែ ប្រសិនបើ​គេ​ពិចារណា​ឲ្យ​ស៊ីជម្រៅ ការ​ក្រាញ​អំណាច​មិនមែន​ជា​រឿង​ដាច់​ដោយ​ឡែក​របស់​បុគ្គល​ណា​ទេ តែ​វា​ជា «ជំងឺ​សង្គម»​ខ្មែរ​ដែល​ត្រូវតែ​រួមគ្នា​ព្យាបាល។ តើ​ជំងឺ​នេះ​មាន​ឫសគល់​មកពីណា?

នៅ​កម្ពុជា ផ្លូវ​ឡើងទៅ​កាន់អំណាច​គឺជា​រឿង​ដ៏​លំបាក​មួយ​ទៅហើយ ប៉ុន្តែ ការចាកចេញ​ពី​អំណាច​​វិញ​វា​រឹត​តែ​លំបាក​ថែមទៀត។ លំបាក​នៅ​ត្រង់​ថា «វប្បធម៌​ក្រាញ​អំណាច»​កំពុង​ចាក់ឫស​និង​បាន​ក្លាយជា​«ជំងឺ​សង្គម»​មួយ​ដែល​ គួរតែ​នាំគ្នា​រក​វិធី​ព្យាបាល។

ការ​ចោទ​អ្នក​នេះ​ឬអ្នក​នោះ​ថា​ក្រាញ​អំណាច​ គ្រាន់តែ​ជាការ​បាចទឹក​ដាក់គ្នា​តែប៉ុណ្ណោះ​ ពី​ព្រោះនេះ​មិនមែនជា​បញ្ហា​ដោយឡែក​របស់​បុគ្គល​ណា​ម្នាក់​ឡើយ តែ​វា​ជា​បញ្ហា​រួម​របស់​សង្គម​ខ្មែរ​ទាំងមូល។ នៅក្នុង​រដ្ឋាភិបាល អ្នកដឹកនាំ​តែងតែ​ការពារ​អំណាច​រហូត​ដល់​ដំណាក់កាល​ចុង​ក្រោយ។ នៅក្នុង​បក្ស​ក្រៅ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ឯណោះ​វិញ វប្បធម៌​នៃ​ការផ្តល់​តម្លៃ​ទៅលើ​បុគ្គល​ដែល​ជា​«តួឯក»​នយោបាយ​ក៏​កំពុង​ចាក់ ​ឫស​យ៉ាងរឹងមាំ​ណាស់​ដែរ។

ជាក់ស្តែង នៅពេល​គេ​និយាយ​ពី​គណបក្ស​កាន់អំណាច គេ​សំដៅ​ដល់​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន។ នៅក្នុង​គណបក្ស​សម រង្ស៊ី គេ​និយាយ​តែ​ពី​លោក​សម រង្ស៊ី ខណៈដែល​គណបក្ស​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​គេ​និយាយ​តែ​ឈ្មោះ​លោក​កឹម សុខា។ តួអង្គ​នយោបាយ​ទាំងនោះ​ត្រូវបាន​គេ​លើក​តម្កើង​ថា​ជា​មនុស្ស​យ៉ាង​សំខាន់។ សំខាន់​រហូត​ដល់​ពេល​ខ្លះ​បញ្ហា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ឬក៏​ស្ថិរភាព​របស់​ប្រទេស​ទាំងមូល ត្រូវបាន​គេ​ចង​ភ្ជាប់​ជាមួយ​នឹង​បុគ្គល​តែ​ម្នាក់។ នៅ​កម្ពុជា កុំ​ថា​ឡើយ​ដល់​ទៅ​ផ្លាស់ប្តូរ​មេដឹកនាំ​ប្រទេស សូម្បី​តែ​ប្តូរ​មេបក្ស​នយោបាយ​មួយ​ក៏​ជា​បញ្ហា​ដែរ។

នៅក្នុង​ពិភព​សង្គម​ស៊ីវិល​ក៏​មិនសូវ​ជា​ខុសគ្នា​ប៉ុន្មាន​ដែរ។ បុគ្គល​ដែលជា​មេដឹកនាំ​ច្រើនតែ​កាន់អំណាច​រយៈពេល​យ៉ាងយូរ​ ដោយ​មិន​ព្រម​ប្រគល់​ឲ្យ​ទៅ​អ្នកដទៃ​ឡើយ។ តើ​នេះ​មិនមែន​ជា​«វប្បធម៌​លើក​ស្ទួយ​បុគ្គល» ដែល​ជា​ឫសគល់​នៃ​«ជំងឺ​ក្រាញ​អំណាច» នៅក្នុង​សង្គម​ខ្មែរ​ទេ​ឬ?

ដើម្បីស្វែងយល់ពីបញ្ហានេះ គេគួរពិនិត្យមើលមូលហេតុមួយចំនួនដូចតទៅ៖

មូលហេតុទី១ ៖ គឺ​បញ្ហា​មុខមាត់។ ជាទូទៅ សង្គម​ខ្មែរ​ច្រើន​តែ​ឲ្យ​តម្លៃ​ខ្លាំង​ពេក​ទៅលើ​តំណែង។ ក្នុងន័យនេះ ការបាត់បង់​មុខតំណែង​ត្រូវគេ​ចាត់ទុកថា ជា​ការបាក់​មុខមាត់​យ៉ាងខ្លាំង។ ហេតុដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​បានជា​អ្នកមាន​មុខតំណែង​តែង​ក្រាញ​មិន​ចង់​ចុះចេញ​ដោយ​ងាយៗ ​ឡើយ។

មូលហេតុទី២ ៖ ការ​ក្រាញ​អំណាច​ គឺ​ជា​ផលវិបាក​នៃ​នយោបាយ​សងសឹក​គ្នា​តាម​យុទ្ធសាស្ត្រ​«អ្នកឈ្នះ​ជា​វីរជន រីឯ​អ្នកចាញ់​ជា​ជន​ក្បត់ជាតិ»។ ទស្សនៈ​នេះហើយ​ដែល​ជំរុញ​ឲ្យ​មេដឹកនាំ​មិន​ងាយ​បោះបង់​អំណាច។ ប្រសិនបើ​ត្រូវ​បោះបង់​ក៏​ពួកគេ​រៀប​ជើង​ព្រួល​ទុកជាមុន​ឲ្យ​ហើយ​ដែរ។

មូលហេតុទី៣ ៖ ប្រព័ន្ធ​ច្បាប់​ដែល​មិន​បាន​កំណត់​អាណត្តិ​របស់​មេ​ដឹកនាំ​ ក៏​ជា​ឱកាស​ដែល​បើកផ្លូវ​ឲ្យ​អ្នកដឹកនាំ​តោង​អំណាច​តាម​ដែល​អាចធ្វើ​ទៅបាន។


ដូច្នេះ ដើម្បី​ព្យាបាល​«ជំងឺ​ក្រាញ​អំណាច» សង្គម​ខ្មែរ​ចាំបាច់​ត្រូវ​ផ្លាស់ប្តូរ​ផ្នត់​គំនិត​មួយ​ចំនួន​ជា​ចាំបាច់។ ជាបឋម គេ​គួរ​យល់ថា មុខតំណែង​ជាពិសេស​តំណែង​ដឹកនាំ​កំពូល​របស់​ប្រទេស​មិនមែនជា​កម្មសិទ្ធិ​ ផ្តាច់មុខ​របស់​អ្នកណា​ម្នាក់​ឡើយ តែ​វា​គ្រាន់តែ​ជាទី​លាន​បង្ហាញ​សមត្ថភាព​របស់​អ្នកដឹកនាំ​ឲ្យ​ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​ បាន​ឃើញ​ក្នុង​រយៈពេល​កំណត់​ណា​មួយ​តែ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ ពោលគឺ​វា​មិន​ខុសពី​សង្វៀន​ប្រកួត​កីឡា​នោះឡើយ។ ការឡើង​ ឬ​ចុះ​ពីស​ង្វៀន​នេះ​ គឺជា​រឿង​ធម្មតា​ដែល​គ្មានអ្វី​គួរ​ឲ្យ​ខ្មាស់អៀន​ឡើយ។ ផ្ទុយទៅវិញ ការ​ស្ថិតនៅក្នុង​មុខតំណែង​យូរ​ពេក កំហុស​ក៏​អាច​កើតមាន​កាន់តែ​ច្រើន​ដែរ។

ក្នុង​បរិបទ​នេះ កា​រៀបចំ​ឲ្យ​មាន​ប្រព័ន្ធ​ផ្លាស់ប្តូរ​មេដឹកនាំ​ដោយ​ធានា​បាន​នូវ​ សុវត្ថិភាព​របស់​អ្នក​ចេញពី​អំណាច​ផង និង​ស្ថិរភាព​សង្គម​ទាំងមូល​ផង គឺជា​មូលដ្ឋាន​សំខាន់​ជាងគេ​មួយ។ ប៉ុន្តែ មេដឹកនាំ​ប្រទេស​ក៏​មិនត្រូវ​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​បំពាន​អំណាច​ណា​មួយ​ដែរ​នៅក្នុង​ អាណត្តិ​ដឹកនាំ​របស់ខ្លួន​ដើម្បី​ចៀសវាង​ការចោទប្រកាន់​ពេលចេញ​ពីមុខ​តំណែង។ តុលាការ​កាត់ទោស​អតីត​មេដឹកនាំ​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ដែល​កំពុង​ដំណើរការ​នៅ​ពេលនេះ​ គួរតែ​ជា​មេរៀន​សម្រាប់​មេដឹកនាំ​ខ្មែរ ហើយ​ព្រឹតិ្តការណ៍​បែបនេះ​ក៏​មិនគួរ​នឹង​កើតឡើង​ជាថ្មីទៀត​ដែរ។

សរុប​មកវិញ វត្ថុធាតុ​ដើម​សម្រាប់​ផ្សំ​ជា​ឱសថ​ព្យាបាល​«ជំងឺ​ក្រាញ​អំណាច»​នៅក្នុង​ សង្គម​ខ្មែរ​មាន​អស់​ហើយ។ ដូច្នេះ ដល់​ពេល​ហើយ​​ដែល​ត្រូវ​នាំគ្នា​ព្យាបាល​ជំងឺ​នេះ​ឲ្យ​អស់ពី​សង្គម៕

Wednesday 8 May 2013

SOUTH AFRICA: Three universities pilot doctoral supervision course

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VIETNAM: Partnership with Russia for new, world-class university

Opinion: Confucius Institute Enhances Chinese Language Education, Cultural Exchange in NW Cambodia

  Please read from the Phnom Penh Post Please read from the Cambodianess  Confucius institutes have been playing a vital role in promoting C...