Sam Rany, Ph.D.

Monday, 22 July 2013

Hun Many Calls on Youth to Unite Against Change

By Khuon Narim and Colin Meyn - July 22, 2013

Speaking to a crowd of more than 10,000 CPP youth supporters on Sunday, Prime Minister Hun Sen’s son Hun Many called for those in the audience to unite against calls for a change in government, warning that a ruling party loss in Sunday’s national election would cause instability and chaos.

Echoing speeches made by his father in the months leading up to the July 28 poll, Mr. Many warned in his short, scripted speech of the destruction of the current social order should the CPP lose its grip on power.

Hun Many, center, the youngest son of Prime Minister Hun Sen and a first-time CPP candidate for the National Assembly, leads a rally of about 10,000 CPP youth supporters through Phnom Penh on Sunday. (Siv Channa)

“On behalf of the youth of the Cambodian People’s Party, we need to maintain a clear political stand to gather together to protect the achievements of the Cambodian People’s Party…. In particular, we must protect the tree of peace that has been so fruitful for all of us,” he said.

“If we are careless and lack consideration and there is not a strong political will to protect this prosperity, it can be lost immediately and the whole nation will fall into instability and society will be beset by chaos,” Mr. Many warned.

Mr. Many, 30, the youngest of Mr. Hun Sen’s three sons, is the head of the Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia, a CPP youth wing, and a first-time candidate for Parliament in Kompong Speu province.

As has been his standard practice prior to national elections, Mr. Hun Sen is currently observing a one month vow of silence ahead of the poll, in which his ruling CPP is largely expected to win its fourth mandate to rule the country.

Seemingly referencing the hordes of young Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) supporters who, over the past three weeks, have taken to the city’s streets by the thousands calling for change, which is pronounced “b’do” in Khmer, Mr. Many told the assembled youth not to be swayed.

“There is an atmosphere created by some political parties that have tried to ignore all of these achievements [of the CPP] and have launched a campaign to attack the CPP with unjust and irresponsible verbal and political slogans,” he said.

Mr. Many said that the CPP must remain clean in its own campaigning.

“We have to use professional campaign tactics, remain gentle, dignified, clever and brave in convincing the public and people of all generations to believe more strongly in the CPP and vote for the CPP because only the CPP has the ability to remain responsible, keep peace and maintain development,” he said.

Standing behind Mr. Many, whose head and eyebrows were shaved in honor of his grandfather, Hun Neang, who passed away on July 12, were the CPP’s leading candidates for the National Assembly in Phnom Penh, a high-powered group that included Finance Minister Keat Chhon, Social Affairs Minister Ith Sam Heng, Women’s Affairs Minister Ing Kantha Phavi and Kep Chuktema, who stepped down in May as Phnom Penh’s governor.

With thousands of the CPP youth supporters lined up on their motorbikes in the roads and parking lots on the north end of Koh Pich, a few hundred youth were marched toward the stage prior to Mr. Many’s speech, throughout which they waved bright blue flags bearing the CPP logo.

Compared to Friday’s opposition rally in which CNRP President Sam Rainsy was met by an estimated 100,000 supporters who, seemingly with little coordination, turned out to meet the self-exiled opposition leader, Sunday’s CPP rally was a highly orchestrated affair.

Although those in attendance were unanimous in their support for the ruling party, their visions for the future of the CPP was more varied.

Kim Sarun, 22, said he would like to see Mr. Many take over the reins from Mr. Hun Sen when he steps down as prime minister.

“Hun Many is good because he serves the people and like his father, he would continue to develop infrastructure and improve the country,” he said.

Tan Chenda, 26, a university student studying finance, said that he hoped the CPP, led by Mr. Hun Sen, would continue to develop the country with a focus on bridges and big buildings.

“They have a good economic plan because it has led to more investment in Cambodia and helped people find jobs when they graduate,” he said.

However, a number of students in the audience said that as youth take a more central role in the CPP’s campaigns, a changing of the guard at the top of the party may also be in order.

“The CPP has helped people lead a good daily life,” said Num Vutha, 20, a student at Chaktomuk High School, who was vigorously waving a Cambodian flag at Sunday’s rally. “But I want to see a change in leaders because in the U.S., they always change leaders. Maybe they [new leaders] could improve schools and develop the country faster,” he said.

One of the CPP members helping organize the event, who gave his name only as Di and said he worked for the Phnom Penh municipality, said that he hoped a new generation of CPP leaders would breathe new life into a party that has been controlled by the same men for more than three decades.

“Some CPP youth have studied oversees and they have new ideas and new opinions. The knowledge of CPP officers from 1979 has not improved until now,” he said.

“I think the CPP youth are the new power in the party. Maybe we will have change in the CPP in the future, but the future is not now.”

បទវិភាគ៖ ល្បិចសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បរាជ័យ

ដោយ តាំង សារ៉ាដា (Radio Free Asia/22/07/2013)

លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ហ៊ុន សែនធ្លាប់មានប្រសាសន៍ថា លោកប្រើលិ្បចយុទ្ធសាស្រ្ត តាមបែបសាមកុករបស់ចិន ក្នុងការបំបែកបំបាក់គូប្រកួត។ លោកអួតអាងថា ដោយប្រើល្បិចចិននេះ លោកបានទទួលជោគជ័យ ក្នុងការបំផ្លាញគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច (Funcinpec) អោយខ្ទេចខ្ទី។

ចំណែកលោក សម រង្ស៊ី ដែលជាមេបក្សប្រឆាំងដ៏ធំនាពេលនេះវិញ ក៏លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ប្រកាសថា លោកបានខ្ចីដៃប្រើដើម្បីបន្ថយអំណាចតថ្លៃរបស់គណបក្ស ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច និងដើម្បីជួយលោក និងគណបក្សលោក អោយអាចជិះសេះលែងដៃបានក្នុងកិច្ចការសភា និងកិច្ចការដឹកនាំរដ្ឋាភិបាលដែរ។

តើយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រសាមកុកចិននេះ អាចជួយអោយលោក ហ៊ុន សែន បំផ្លាញអ្នកនយោបាយខ្មែរបានដោយជោគជ័យជានិច្ច ឬក៏តម្រិះនេះ អាចជិះកឯងវិញនៅថ្ងៃណាមួយ?

លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ហ៊ុន សែន មិនគ្រាន់តែទទួលរងឥទ្ធិពលរបស់ចិននាសម័យបច្ចុប្បន្ននេះទេ លោកសារភាពថា លោកក៏បានប្រើល្បិចយុទ្ធសាស្រ្តពីបុរុមបុរាណរបស់ចិន ក្នុងការកំទេចក្រុមអ្នកនយោបាយណាដែលប្រឆាំងនឹងលោកដែរ។ នោះគឺល្បិចក្នុងសង្គ្រាមសាមកុក ដែលភាគច្រើនជាល្បិចបំបែកបំបាក់ បំផ្លាញកំទេច និងទិញទឹកចិត្ត ដើម្បីគ្រប់គ្រងទៅលើក្រុមមន្រ្តីបក្សជំទាស់។

យោងតាមប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រប្រទេសចិន នៅអំឡុងឆ្នាំ ១៨៤ ដល់ ២៨០ នៃរាជ្ជកាលស្តេចហាន ក្រុមស្តេចចិន និងមេទ័ពចិន បានប្រើល្បិចគ្រប់លទ្ធភាពដែលអាចធ្វើទៅបានក្នុងការធ្វើ ចុម្បាំង ដើម្បីដណ្តើមទឹកដីគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមក។

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្លាប់បានសារភាពថា លោកជាអ្នកបំផ្លាញគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ដែលធ្លាប់ជាបក្សកាន់អំណាចឲ្យទៅជាចម្រៀកៗ នៅមុនការធ្វើរដ្ឋប្រហារបង្ហូរឈាមមួយ កាលពីដើមខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៧។ មិនតែប៉ុណ្ណោះលោក ហ៊ុន សែន ក៏ធ្លាប់គំរាមជាសាធារណៈដែរថា ជនណាក៏ដោយ បក្សណាក៏ដោយ ដែលហ៊ានលូកដៃចូលក្នុងកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជននោះ នឹងមានវាសនាដូចគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចជាមិនខាន៖

«ខ្ញុំនិយាយ អំពីរឿងហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចចុះ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចខ្ញុំទទួលស្គាល់។ មូលហេតុអីដែលខ្ញុំធ្វើ ដោយសារហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ពូកែលូកដៃចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនច្រើនពេក។ អ៊ីចឹង ខែមេសា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ ខ្ញុំបានធ្វើឲ្យហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចមួយទៅជា ១១ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ហើយតាំងពីហ្នឹងមក ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច បានចុះខ្សោយ។ បើសិនពេលនោះ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចមិនលូកដៃចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជន ខ្ញុំនឹងមិនធ្វើហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចទេ។ ប៉ុន្តែពេលនេះ ខ្ញុំបញ្ជាក់ថា អ្នកណាក៏ដោយ បក្សណាក៏ដោយ បើហ៊ានលូកដៃចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជន អ្នកឯងនឹងមិនបានសុខទេ។ ខ្ញុំនឹងចូលទៅដល់ជម្រកចុងក្រោយរបស់អ្នកឯងតែម្តង»។

កំទេចគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច អោយហិនហោចប៉ុណ្ណឹងហើយ ក៏លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅមិនទាន់អស់ចិត្តទៀត។ លោកត្រូវបំផ្លាញមេគណបក្សនេះទៀត គឺព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ។ នៅឆ្នាំ២០០៧ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ត្រូវគេឯងដឹងថា អាចជាអ្នកនៅពីក្រោយ នៃការបង្កើតច្បាប់ឯកពន្ធភាព ដែលគេហៅថា ច្បាប់ដាក់ទោសអ្នកមានប្រពន្ធពីរ។ ច្បាប់នេះទំនងមានគោលបំណងតែមួយគត់ក្នុងការឆ្ពោះទៅរកការដាក់ ទោសព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ ដោយសារមានមហេសីដល់ទៅពីរ។

នៅពេលនោះ អ្នកម្នាង ម៉ារី រណឫទ្ធិ បានដាក់ពាក្យបណ្តឹងប្តឹងព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ ពីបទមានមហេសីពីរ ហើយលោក ហ៊ុន សែន អាចជាអ្នកបញ្ឆេះឲ្យមន្រ្តីគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ជាន់ខ្ពស់ផ្សេងៗទៀតប្តឹងព្រះអង្គពីបទលួចលក់ទីស្នាក់ការគណបក្ស ក្នុងតំលៃ ៣.៦លានដុល្លារថែមទៀត។ ពេលនោះ តុលាការរាជធានីភ្នំពេញបាន កាត់ទោសព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ អោយជាប់ពន្ធនាគារចំនួន ១៨ខែ។

ដើម្បគេចផុតពីការជាប់ពន្ធនាគារ ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ នៅគ្រានោះបានភៀសព្រះកាយទៅកាន់ប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ី រស់នៅជាមួយស្រីក្មេងថ្មីរបស់ព្រះអង្គ។ ល្បិចបុរាណចិន ក្នុងការបំបែកបំបាក់ត្រង់ចំណុចនេះ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ទំនងជាលេងបានយ៉ាងល្អ។ គោលបំណងនៃល្បិចសាមកុក របស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដែលលោកបានរចនាក្បួនពេលនោះ គឺដើម្បីបំផ្លាញ និងលុបឈ្មោះព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ ចេញពីបញ្ជីនយោយបាយតែម្តង។

នៅឆ្នាំ២០០៨ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ទទួលជោគជ័យធំទៅតាមបំណងប្រាថ្នារបស់លោកមែន គឺព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ បានសម្រេចចិត្តឈប់ធ្វើនយោបាយ គឺលាចាកពីប្រធានគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច។

ចំពោះករណីរបស់ប្រធានគណបក្សជំទាស់វិញ ក៏ស្រដៀងករណីរបស់សម្តេចក្រុមព្រះ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ ដែរ។ នៅឆ្នាំ២០០៥ លោក សម រង្ស៊ី បាននិរទេសខ្លួនចេញពីកម្ពុជា ក្រោយពីរដ្ឋសភាបានដកអភ័យឯកសិទ្ធតំណាងរាស្រ្តរបស់លោក ដោយសារលោកបានចោទប្រកាន់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា និងគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ថាមានអំពើពុករលួយក្នុងការបង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាលចម្រុះ ហើយបានចោទលោក ហ៊ុន សែន ថាជាអ្នកនៅពីក្រោយនៃការសម្លាប់លោក ជា វិជ្ជា ប្រធានសហជីពសេរីកម្មករ។ ពេលនោះ តុលាការកម្ពុជាបានកាត់ទោសឲ្យលោក សម រង្ស៊ី ជាប់គុក ១៨ខែ។

នៅដើមខែកុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ២០០៦ លោក សម រង្ស៊ី បានវិលត្រឡប់ចូលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញ ដោយសារលោកបានដកបណ្តឹង ឈប់ប្តឹងលោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅតុលាការក្រុងញូវយ៉ក សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ពីបទគប់គ្រាប់បែកមុខរដ្ឋសភា កាលពីឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ ហើយពេលនោះ លោក សម រង្ស៊ី បានសរសេរលិខិតមួយសុំទោសលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ហ៊ុន សែន ថាលោកខុសហើយ មិនសមធ្វើដូច្នេះទេ។ ក្រោយមកបន្តិច លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បានស្នើឲ្យព្រះមហាក្សត្រលើកលែងទោសឲ្យលោក សម រង្ស៊ី ចូលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញ។

នៅក្នុងខ្សែអាត់សំឡេងរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដែលបែកធ្លាយតាមបណ្តាញទំនាក់ទំនងសង្គមហ្វេសប៊ុក (Facebook) កាលពីដើមខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ ២០១៣ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន និយាយក្តែងៗថា ការអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យលោក សម រង្ស៊ី វិលចូលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញកាលពីឆ្នាំ២០០៦ នោះ គឺលោកជាអ្នកធ្វើអន្តរាគមន៍ ដោយសារពេលនោះ លោកចង់ខ្ចីដៃលោក សម រង្ស៊ី ដើម្បីកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញពីរូបមន្តពីរភាគបី ក្នុងការបង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាល មករូបមន្ត ៥០ភាគរយបូកមួយវិញ ដើម្បីបន្ថយអំណាចតថ្លៃរបស់គណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ដែលស្ថិតក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាលចម្រុះជាមួយគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា៖

«លើក មុនតុលាការកាត់ឲ្យជាប់គុក ខ្ញុំជាអ្នកអន្តរាគមន៍ឲ្យចូលមកវិញ តែមិនមែនអត់ប្រយោជន៍ទេ គឺមកដើម្បីប្រើដៃសម រង្ស៊ី ជួយរំដោះខ្លួនពី រណឫទ្ធិ បានសេចក្តីថា មកជួយកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ បានខ្ញុំឲ្យមក។ និយាយឲ្យច្បាស់ត្រង់ៗជាមួយគ្នា។ អ្នកដែលលើកអំណាចថ្វាយគណបក្សប្រជាជន ចុងក្រោយបំផុត គឺ សម រង្ស៊ី នេះឯង បើ សម រង្ស៊ី ទុកពីរភាគបី រណឫទ្ធិ នៅតែសង្កត់ក្បាលយើងងាប់។ អ៊ីចឹងតម្រូវការពេលនោះ យក សម រង្ស៊ី ចូលស្រុកសុំការលើកលែងទោសឲ្យ ដើម្បីជួយកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញទេ។ ដំណាក់កាលមួយ ប្រើដៃ រណឫទ្ធិ កំចាត់សម រង្ស៊ី សិន ពីព្រោះ ប៉ាប៉ា យើងស្នើរូបមន្តបីភាគី ឯគណបក្សយើងតែពីរភាគី។ ថ្ងៃទី៥ ខែវិច្ឆិកា ចេញអាបីភាគី ហើយថ្ងៃទី៦ វិច្ឆិកា ចេញលទ្ធផលពិត និងលទ្ធផលមិនពិត វាទាត់ប្រឡែងដូចបាល់អ៊ីចឹង។ ប៉ុន្តែចុងបញ្ចប់ គេយក រណឫទ្ធិ បង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាលទ្វេភាគី ហើយដាក់ សម រង្ស៊ី ឲ្យនៅក្រៅ។ រួចហើយទាញយកដៃ សម រង្ស៊ី មកកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ ដើម្បីបន្ថយអំណាចតថ្លៃរបស់ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច។ អាហ្នឹងនិយាយឲ្យក្បួនអស់ខ្នាត តិចទៅចុះ។ ប៉ុន្តែបើសិនអ្នកឯងអត់ចេះលេងល្បែងសាមកុក កុំទាន់អាលលេងជាមួយ ហ៊ុន សែន។ ពេលខ្លះ ខុង ម៉ីង មិនទាន់ធ្វើ ស៊ឺម៉ាអ៊ី មិនទាន់ធ្វើត្រូវ ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្វើនៅសតវត្សទី ២១ ឯណេះវិញទេ ពីព្រោះកាលនោះ ចាប់ផ្តើមឡើងគេវ៉ៃគ្នាទេ ល្បិចវ៉ៃគ្នាទេ។ តែនេះជាល្បិចក្នុងល្បិចនៃការយកប្រៀបនៅក្នុងល្បែងប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ »។

រូបមន្តពីរភាគបី ជារូបមន្តដែលបង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាលចម្រុះជាមួយគណបក្សផ្សេង ដែលមានអសនៈក្នុងរដ្ឋសភា ហើយរូបមន្ត ៥០ភាគរយបូកមួយ ជារូបមន្ត ដែលគណបក្សមានអសនៈច្រើនជាងគេក្នុងរដ្ឋសភាអាចបង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាល ខ្លួនឯងបានដោយមិនចាំបាច់មានការចូលរួមពីបក្សផ្សេង។

ដូច្នេះល្បែងនយោបាយតាមក្បួនសាមកុក ហាក់ត្រូវបានលោក ហ៊ុន សែន យកមកលេងយ៉ាងមានប្រសិទ្ធភាពជាបន្តបន្ទាប់ ដើម្បីធ្វើឲ្យក្រុមប្រឆាំងចុះទន់ខ្សោយ។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ តើក្បួនសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១៣ នេះ អាចធ្វើអោយលោកមានជ័យជំនះទៀត ឬនេះជាចំណេះជិះកឯង ដែលនាំអោយលោកទទួលបរាជ័យនៅចុងបញ្ចប់ទៅវិញ?

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្លាប់ស្រែកប្រកាសនៅចំពោះមុខក្រុមមន្រ្តីគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាថា គ្មានផ្លូវណា ដែលបើកឲ្យមេបក្សប្រឆាំងចូលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញនោះទេ។ ប៉ុន្តែឥឡូវ លោក សម រង្ស៊ី កំពុងមានវត្តមាននៅកម្ពុជា ទំនងជាដោយសារសម្ពាធរបស់ប្រទេសមហាអំណាច ហើយសម្ពាធនេះបានបង្ខំឲ្យលោក ហ៊ុន សែន ត្រូវតែបើកផ្លូវឲ្យលោក សម រង្ស៊ី ចូលស្រុកវិញ។

ក្បួនសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ពេលនេះ ប្រហែលជាបែងខុសក្រឡាបន្តិច។ ក្បួននេះអាចលេងជោគជ័យទៅបាន ប្រសិនបើពិភពលោកនេះ បិទជិតហើយគ្មានការឃ្លាំមើលរបស់អន្តរជាតិ។ ប៉ុន្តែក្នុងសតវត្សទី២១ ដូច្នេះអ្វីៗ កាន់តែបើកចំហរ ដោយសារប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយ ប្រព័ន្ធទំនាក់ទំនងសង្គម ប្រព័ន្ធអ៊ីនធឺណែត សម្ពាធរបស់មហាជន និងសម្ពាធរបស់បណ្តាប្រទេសមហាអំណាច ដែលសេដ្ឋកិច្ចកម្ពុជាត្រូវការពឹងពាក់បណ្តាប្រទេសទាំងនោះដែរ។

បរាជ័យ ក្បាច់សាមកុក គឺជាបរាជ័យដ៏ធំបំផុតរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដោយសារសម្ពាធរបស់មហាអំណាចអាមេរិក ដែលនឹងមិនទទួលស្គាល់រដ្ឋាភិបាលក្រោយការបោះឆ្នោត ប្រសិនបើគ្មានមេបក្សប្រឆាំងចូលរួមការបោះឆ្នោត។ ទីពីរ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ទំនងអាចខ្លាចប្រឡាក់ឈ្មោះក្នុងបញ្ជីខ្មៅរបស់អាមេរិក ដែលតំណាងរាស្រ្តសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក គំរាមដាក់រូបលោកក្នុងបញ្ជីឈ្មោះនៃក្រុមមេដឹកនាំអាក្រក់បំផុត លើពិភពលោក។

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ក៏ទំនងជាខ្លាចសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ប្រមូលកៀរគរប្រទេសជាមិត្តរបស់អាមេរិកទាំងអស់ អោយកាត់ផ្តាច់ជំនួយសេដ្ឋកិច្ច និងកាត់បន្ថយទំនាក់ទំនងជាមួយកម្ពុជា។ ទណ្ឌកម្មសេដ្ឋកិច្ចរបស់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក និងសហភាពអឺរ៉ុបមកលើកម្ពុជា អាចជាការបញ្ឈប់មិនអោយប្រទេសកម្ពុជា នាំផលិតផលសម្លៀកបំពាក់កាត់ដេរចូលក្នុងប្រទេសរបស់ពួកគេ។ ពេលនោះ កម្មករប្រមាណ ៧០ម៉ឺននាក់នៅកម្ពុជា នឹងអត់ការងារធ្វើ។ គួបផ្សំនឹងយុវជនកំពុងអត់ការងារធ្វើស្រាប់រាប់ម៉ឺននាក់ផងនោះ កម្ពុជាអាចនឹងកើតមានភាពចលាចលសង្គម។ នោះហើយ ទំនងជាក្តីបារម្ភធំមួយរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន និងទីបី ការបង្រួបបង្រួមនៃគណបក្សប្រឆាំងទាំងពីរ អោយទៅជាគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិនេះ បានធ្វើអោយកំលាំងប្រឆាំងកាន់តែមានអនុភាព និងមានសន្ទុះកាន់តែខ្លាំង។

ម៉្យាងទៀត លោក កឹម សុខា បានអះអាងម្តងហើយម្តងទៀតថា មន្រ្តីគណបក្សប្រឆាំងដែលនៅសេសសល់ពេលនេះ សុទ្ធតែជាមន្រ្តីដែលលែងចុះញ៉មតាមការអូសទាញ តាមល្បិចបុរាណចិនរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ទៀតហើយ៖ «យើងខ្ញុំស៊ូ ប៉ុណ្ណឹងហើយ រឿងអីចុងក្រោយយើងខ្ញុំទៅធ្វើអំពើថោកទាប ដូចអ្នកនយោបាយខ្លះ។ យើងខ្ញុំមិនអាចធ្វើបានទេ យើងខ្ញុំបញ្ជាក់ ហើយគឺទិញមិនលក់ សម្លុតមិនខ្លាច ពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងថ្នាក់មន្រ្តីបន្ទាប់ៗ។ ខ្ញុំឃើញថាអស់លោកទាំងហ្នឹងមានមេរៀនច្រើនហើយ។ អ្នកដែលទៅហ្នឹង គេយកទៅទុកឯណា គឺទុកនៅធុងសំរាម។ គេមិនដែលប្រើឲ្យធ្វើអីផង ហើយបើគេប្រើ គឺប្រើគ្រាន់តែឲ្យមកជេរ មកបញ្ចោរ មកបង្កាច់ មកបង្ខូចអ្នកដែលដឹកនាំពីមុនមកតែប៉ុណ្ណឹង។ ដូច្នេះហើយ វាអត់មានតំលៃ។ គូប្រកួតរបស់យើងដែលគេដឹងខ្លួន គេភ័យខ្លួនថា ចាញ់គេអត់មានធម៌សូត្រទៀត អ៊ីចឹងហើយគេចេះតែឆ្កឹះឆ្កៀល គេចេះតែបង្កើតពាក្យចចាមអារ៉ាម ថាយើងអ៊ីចេះ យើងអ៊ីចុះ។ ប៉ុន្តែមេរៀននេះដដែលៗទេ អត់មកបំបែក សម រង្ស៊ី កឹម សុខា បានទេ ទិញមិនលក់ សម្លុតមិនខ្លាច ដូច្នេះហើយឲ្យច្បាស់ត្រង់ហ្នឹង»។

ប្រសិនបើទ្រឹស្តី «ទិញមិនលក់ សម្លុតមិនខ្លាច» ដែលលោក កឹម សុខា អះអាងនេះ ជាអ្វីដែលលោក និងសមាជិកគណបក្សរបស់លោកប្រកាន់យកដោយខ្ជាប់ខ្ជួននោះ ល្បិចបុរាណចិនសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នឹងទទួលបរាជ័យ ហើយចំណេះនេះនឹងជិះកឯងវិញជាមិនខាន៕

Sunday, 21 July 2013

THAILAND: University apologises for Hitler banner

Associated Press20 July 2013 Issue No:281

Thailand's premier university has apologised for displaying a billboard that showed Adolf Hitler alongside Superman and other superheroes, saying last week that it was painted by ignorant students who did not realise Hitler's image would offend anyone, writes Jocelyn Gecker for Associated Press.

The huge billboard was placed outside the art faculty of Chulalongkorn University as part of a tribute to this year's graduating class. It said “Congratulations” in bold white letters and showed Hitler with his arm raised in a Nazi salute next to Batman, Captain America, the Incredible Hulk and Iron Man.

“(We) would like to formally express our sincere apology for our students' 'Superhero' mural," art school Dean Suppakorn Disatapundhu said in a statement. The billboard was up for two days before being removed last weekend in response to criticism. Online photographs showed graduating students in their robes, mimicking Hitler's raised arm salute.

Thailand's premier university has apologized for displaying a billboard that showed Adolf Hitler alongside Superman and other superheroes, saying Monday it was painted by ignorant students who didn't realize Hitler's image would offend anyone.

The huge billboard was placed outside the art faculty of Chulalongkorn University as part of a tribute to this year's graduating class.

It said "Congratulations" in bold white letters and showed Hitler with his arm raised in a Nazi salute next to Batman, Captain America, the Incredible Hulk and Iron Man.

"(We) would like to formally express our sincere apology for our students' 'Superhero' mural," art school dean Suppakorn Disatapundhu said in a statement issued Monday. "I can assure you we are taking this matter very seriously."

The billboard was up for two days before being removed Saturday in response to criticism. Online photographs showed graduating students in their robes, mimicking Hitler's raised arm salute.

Suppakorn said that freshman art students had painted the banner as part of a traditional send-off from incoming students to the graduating class, and it was one of dozens of banners and billboards across the campus during the university's commencement period.

The artistic vision behind the picture was to show that good and bad people co-exist in the world, Suppakorn said after summoning the students for an explanation.

"They told me the concept was to paint a picture of superheroes who protect the world," the dean said in a telephone interview.

"Hitler was supposed to serve as a conceptual paradox to the superheroes," he said, noting that the superheroes were painted in vivid colors, while Hitler's image was in grey scale. "This kind of thoughtless display will not happen again."

The Simon Wiesenthal Center, an international Jewish human rights group, had criticized the banner prior to its removal.

"Hitler as a superhero? Is he an appropriate role model for Thailand's younger generation — a genocidal hate monger who mass murdered Jews and Gypsies and who considered people of color as racially inferior," Rabbi Abraham Cooper, associate dean at the center, said in a statement Friday. "The Simon Wiesenthal Center is outraged and disgusted by this public display at Thailand's leading school of higher education."

The study of history in the Thai school system revolves primarily around the history of Thailand and its long line of kings. World history is glossed over, with little or no mention of the Holocaust.

HONG KONG: More students chase university places

South China Morning Post20 July 2013 Issue No:281

Competition for university places is tougher this year than last, as more secondary school students have achieved the minimum requirements for admission in the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education – HKDSE – exam, writes Johnny Tam for the South China Morning Post.

Statistics released last week by the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority showed that of 82,283 students who took HKDSE exams this year, 28,418 obtained the minimum score for about 15,000 government-subsidised first-year university degree places through the joint admission system. That represents a 7% increase from the 26,552 last year, and means that more than 13,000 students will have to pay more for full-fee private courses, opt for sub-degree programmes or look elsewhere.

The number of candidates from outside the school system also increased by 736%, from 1,329 last year to 11,115 this year, as some students from the first HKDSE exam re-sat it this year and some from the previous Advanced Level Examination might have taken the new syllabus. The diploma exam was held for the second time since so-called 3+3+4 education reforms came into full effect. Secondary school education was cut from seven to six years and standard university degree courses lengthened from three to four years.

Full report on the South China Morning Post site

MYANMAR: Suu Kyi to help ‘political’ students barred from HE

Naw Say Phaw Waa20 July 2013 Issue No:281

Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has taken up the case of former political prisoners released under presidential amnesties in 2011 and 2012, who have still not been able to secure government permission to resume university studies. A number of political prisoners were students at the time they were jailed.

Suu Kyi told a group of released political prisoners, who have been lobbying for the right to continue their studies where they had left off, that she would bring the case before parliament and the Ministry of Education.

She met them at the margins of a high-level conference on higher education attended by ministers, parliamentarians and foreign education bodies and held on 29-30 June in the Myanmar capital Naypyidaw.

Some 15 students from Yangon have not been able to study since they were released under President Thein Sein’s amnesties. Most of them were detained during and after the 2007 ‘Saffron Revolution’ – a pro-democracy uprising led by saffron-robed monks.

According to university authorities, if students are away from university for more than four years they will be excluded. For former political prisoners, the only option is to begin their degrees again via distance learning.

But all the students had already completed one or more years of university education. Some were already in their final year at the time of detention. The next university year will start in December 2013 and all of the students are hoping to get permission to study.

Si Thu Maung, a member of the Yangon Institute of Economics student union and one of eight former political prisoners who met with the pro-democracy leader, told University World News that Suu Kyi said she thought all of the students had already been able to attend university.

“She feels sorry that it hasn’t happened until now and said it shouldn’t be like this. She also said education is for all, and as the government is reforming the country, they shouldn’t put a constraint on students to study,” he said.

She promised to bring up the issue in the Hluttaw (parliament) – although no timetable had been set.

Ministry of Education officials had told local media that the rules barring students from attending university after a long break were not just for political prisoners but for all students, and were designed to prevent truancy.

Dragging on

The problem has dragged on for at least 18 months, and most of the students affected have been unable to find a job.

“Around 15 students from Yangon including myself, who were released under the amnesty on 13 January 2012, met with professors from different universities in February 2012 to discuss attending university again,” De Nyein Lin, chair of the organising committee of the Federation of Students’ Unions, told University World News.

“However, the professors told us to apply higher up because they couldn’t help us with this problem until permission had come from their superiors.”

On 9 February 2012, eight former political prisoners met Suu Kyi at the National League for Democracy’s head office in Yangon, said Yae Myat Hein, deputy head of the organising committee of the Federation of Students' Unions.

Suu Kyi’s response then had also been that their education should not be restricted, as the students had already been punished by being in jail.

The students sent letters to members of the Hluttaw, political parties, the president’s office and other organisations last year. At the end of May 2012, representatives from various universities called a meeting at West Yangon University with the former detainees and their parents.

“They said they called the meeting because they received letters from the president to meet with students. Then we signed [an agreement] to attend the university punctually, obey the university rules and not disturb the stability of the state,” De Nyein Lin said.

“However there has been no response since then. Whenever we go and ask, they say there has been no order from their superiors yet.”

Three students met with U Aung Min and U Soe Thein, both ministers in the president’s office, on 2 July. The ministers urged the students to send them detailed letters “so they can help the students to study again”, said De Nyein Lin.

Yae Myat Hein said he was hopeful this time as they had not only been able to speak to Suu Kyi but also ministers who are close to the president. He said the students hoped to be allowed back for the 2013-14 academic year.

A ninth amnesty was granted on 17 May this year, just before President Thein Sein’s visit to the US in May. Other amnesties were granted before the president attended the United Nations General Assembly, before the American president visited Myanmar, and before the ASEAN Summit and other high-level visits.

VIETNAM: Government lowers targets to slow HE student growth

Hiep Pham20 July 2013 Issue No:281

In a landmark decision that overrides previous massification policies, Vietnam is to slow the expansion of higher education between now and at least 2020, according to a new universities and colleges planning document signed by Deputy Prime Minister Nguyen Thien Nhan.

The planning regulation called “Decision 37”, released last month under the framework of the higher education law that came into effect in January 2013, sets new targets: by 2020, Vietnam will have some 2.2 million students in higher education, 3% of them from overseas, and the number of students will represent 2.56% of the population.

This means there will be almost no increase in student numbers in higher education between now and the end of the decade, as the number of students stood at 2.16 million in 2010 – or 250 per 10,000 people (2.5% of the population).

The previous targets were set at 4.5 million students in higher education by 2020 – or 450 per 10,000 people (4.5%) under a 2007 regulation known as “Decision 121”.

It is not clear whether the new targets mean that government is acknowledging the failure of previous targets under Decision 121 or are due to a “mis-estimate by policy-makers”, according to a Hanoi-based educator who did not want to be named.

The educator also questioned whether the lowering of targets was reasonable given a high birth rate in the past decade.

However, graduate unemployment and the phenomenon of graduates taking up jobs that do not need university education have been rising, with some critics blaming the over-expansion of universities.

By last October, Vietnam already had 165,000 unemployed graduates, or some 17% of the overall jobless total. Criticism that graduates lack the skills needed by employers is also increasingly heard.

Nghia Tran, a PhD student in higher education studies at the University of Melbourne, described Decision 37 as a “turning point” for higher education policy. The previous targets under Decision 121 were “legal excuses” for the over-expansion of higher education in the past decade, he told University World News.

He said that with lower student quotas for both existing and newly established institutions, “universities will have to compete really hard against each other to maintain their operations, if they do not want to be eliminated”.

The government has been attempting to slow higher education expansion for some time. At a higher education summit in January, attended by rectors of all higher education institutions and provincial heads of education from around the country, the Ministry of Education and Training admitted that quality was not increasing at the same pace as student numbers.

“The first priority for our sector in 2013 is to improve quality assurance in every aspect of higher education,” the ministry’s Director of Higher Education Bui Anh Tuan told the summit.

In March, the ministry announced that it would slash enrolment quotas at some 23 higher education institutions due to poor facilities and lack of qualified academics.

MALAYSIA: Uproar over ‘race bias’ in public university places

Emilia Tan and Yojana Sharma17 July 2013 Issue No:281

When the Malaysian government announced the allocation of seats at public universities last week, it sparked uproar among ethnic Chinese and Indians. Only 19% of places were awarded to Chinese and 4% to Indian students – and even some with the highest exam scores failed to gain a place on their preferred course.

The ethnic breakdown of the Malaysian population is 23% Chinese and 7% Indian, while 60% are Malay – also known as Bumiputras, or sons of the soil – according to the most recent census.

The results prompted Jaspal Singh, treasurer general of the Malaysian Indian Congress, or MIC – which is part of the ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional) coalition – to say it was “the most unfair and biased public university intake in the history of Malaysia”.

He said some 3,000 Indians should have been given places at public universities. Instead, around 1,500 students were allocated places. Singh said the Chinese student intake had dropped from around 25% of public university enrolment in recent years to 19%.

Chief Minister of Penang state Lim Guan Eng, who is secretary general of the opposition Malaysian Democratic Action Party or DAP, which is supported by Chinese voters and backed by some Indians, said the result was a “painful injustice”.

“After 56 years of independence it is time for all political parties and the [higher education] ministry not to focus on race but on why qualified students cannot get places in public universities on merit,” Lim said in a statement on 15 July.

Lim added that depriving qualified students of places in public universities was a waste of talent and would drive away the country’s best and brightest, who would go abroad. “It will make it easier for other countries like Singapore to happily snatch away our crème de la crème,” Lim said.

Chinese predicament

Of the 41,573 public university enrolments this year, only 7,913 were Chinese Malaysians. Last year Chinese students made up 8,985 of a total enrolment of 38,549 and in 2011 around 9,457 of a total enrolment of 41,267, according to the Malaysian Chinese Association, or MCA, which is part of the Barisan coalition.

Many top scorers in terms of GPA – Grade Point Average – from the two minority groups failed to get into their preferred degree courses.

“Students with a GPA of 4.0 (perfect score) should not be given courses which they had not opted for, as they are a talented group. If these students with excellent results fail to get the course that they want, they might just take up offers from other countries like Singapore,” said MCA Education Bureau Chair Wee Ka Siong, at a press conference on 12 July.

“The hardest hit are students with a GPA of 4.0 who applied for medicine, pharmacy and dentistry and were yet not offered any place or given any course in the eight options applied for,” Wee said.

Indian figures

The MIC president, G Palanivel, who is minister for natural resources and environment, said in a press statement on 3 July that a total of 6,150 ethnic Indian students had applied for the 2013-14 public university intake.

For the first intake, 1,500 were offered places but only 892 accepted the offers. During the second intake another 350 students were made offers. Palanivel said that he did not know at that point how many had been accepted.

He said Prime Minister Najib Razak had agreed to increase the intake to 1,500, and he had sent letters of appeal “to ensure that Indian students get their 1,500 places.”

But Palanivel admitted some Indian students with a perfect cumulative GPA were unable to get into their preferred courses. Some did not even get a place at a public university.

MIC’s higher education bureau said it had received complaints from 10 students who had scored a perfect GPA but were denied a place of their choice.

Criticism of the government

Parent Action Group for Education Chair Noor Azimah Abdul Rahim told local media: “What is important is that meritocracy has to take precedence because hard work has to be rewarded. Students with a [GPA of] 4.0 should be able to get what they want – it is a perfect score.

“Something definitely has to be done about this," she said.

Political analysts believe Malay nationalists within the coalition had pressured the party to cut back on opportunities for ethnic Chinese and Indians in education and other spheres after the ruling coalition secured a majority in elections held in May.

Barisan Nasional actively tried to woo the ethnic minority vote in the run-up to the elections in order to stay in power. Education has been a key theme among the electorate. But such concessions for Chinese and Indian groups are not necessarily popular with the Malay majority, particularly in rural areas.

Singh placed the blame squarely at the door of the Education Ministry, laying into ethnically Indian Deputy Education Minister P Kamalanathan, an MIC member.

Singh said Kamalanathan had “mocked the trust” that the Indian community had placed in him, and he advised Kamalanathan not to “cover up for the Education Ministry”.

“This discrimination must stop. The majority of Indians are poor and the parents sacrifice much to educate their children,” Singh said.

“We should ensure they receive the courses of their choice and stay in Malaysia to contribute to future nation building. Instead, the Education Ministry crushes their dreams, destroys the hopes of their parents and confirms it is pursuing the most vile of policies," said Singh.

Students not accepted by public universities are forced to turn to private universities with much higher fees and few scholarships. Those who are financially better off tend to go abroad.

Ministry response

Kamalanathan said this week that some 18,222 students had failed to secure university places this year. “But we have opened a channel for them to appeal,” he told local media. He said he had received more than 100 appeals.

The deputy minister said earlier that the number of “top performers” exceeded seats available, particularly in ‘critical’ courses, mainly medicine and dentistry.

“The government is committed to providing pathways to all deserving candidates and will strive to cater to find alternatives, to make sure no student is left behind in the quest for knowledge," Kamalanathan said in a statement.

But as criticism continued to build, he tweeted on 16 July that the issue would be discussed in cabinet this week, in an attempt to find a solution.

Lim also criticised the MIC and the MCA, both part of the ruling coalition, for their “annual national obsession on race profiling”. He said the serious issue of depriving qualified students of university places was argued from a racial perspective, when it should be based on “equal opportunity, excellence and performance”.

He emphasised a need for clear, transparent criteria for public universities. "The future of our young is too important to be politicised or played about as an annual game,” Lim said

Sunday, 14 July 2013

Cambodia: Apsara Authority Refutes $200M Revenue Claim

By Kuch Naren - July 13, 2013

The Apsara Authority, which manages the Angkor Archaeological Park, issued a statement on Friday refuting a claim made by Cambodia National Rescue Party leader Kem Sokha about the amount of revenue that it collects from ticket sales.

The letter, signed by Apsara Authority director-general Bun Narith, said that Mr. Sokha was quoted on July 9 while campaigning in Siem Reap as saying that the revenue from ticket sales for Angkor is almost $200 million per year.

“The Cambodia National Rescue Party has purposefully pretended to know the correct tourism figures in order to mislead about the number of tourists visiting Angkor,” it says.

The statement went on to explain that not all the 3,584,307 tourists to the country last year visited the temples, meaning the revenues collected at Angkor Park are actually much lower.

The Apsara Authority did not say what its revenues are, but pointed out that children younger than 12 and government delegations are not required to purchase a ticket to enter the park.

The true number of tickets sold last year was 1,808,623, the authority said, and of those, 59.2 percent were single day passes, which cost $20.

Cambodia: Ministry to Survey Gap Between University, Jobs

By Kaing Menghun and David Kaner - July 13, 2013

The Ministry of Education is preparing to distribute questionnaires nationwide to assess the gap between the job market and subjects being studied by university students.

“The research will focus on the job market and how it is responding to the skills and knowledge that students learn,” according to a draft version of the questionnaire.

As Cambodia’s economy develops, employers have complained that there are too many graduates in subjects such as management and business, and not enough in areas such as engineering, agriculture and vocational skills such as mechanics.

The questionnaire will ask students to provide information on their university course, their ideal job, how well they believe their studies have prepared them for finding employment and their level of confidence in finding desirable work after graduation.

“It’s very well recognized, not only in Cambodia but more broadly, that schools need to better align with the job market and industry needs,” said Sandra D’amico, managing director of HR Inc., a local recruitment firm.

Monday, 8 July 2013

កម្ពុជា: និស្សិតកម្ពុជាបានអាហារូបករណ៍ Fulbright ត្រៀមខ្លួនទៅរៀននៅអាមេរិក

សាយ មុន្នី

03 កក្កដា 2013

ភ្នំពេញ — និស្សិតខ្មែរចំនួន៨នាក់ ដែលបានទទួលអាហារូបករណ៍ Fulbright ដើម្បីទៅបន្តការសិក្សានៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក និយាយថា ពួកគេ សង្ឃឹមថា នឹងអាចជួយអភិវឌ្ឍប្រទេសជាតិរបស់ខ្លួនឲ្យរីកចម្រើនជាង នេះ ក្រោយពីពួកគេបានបញ្ចប់ការសិក្សានិងវិលត្រឡប់មកមាតុភូមិរបស់ខ្លួន វិញនោះ។

អ្នកនាង ប៉ិល ដាឡែន ស្ថិតក្នុងចំណោមអ្នកទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ចំនួន៨ នាក់នៅឆ្នាំនេះ។ នាងនឹងបន្តការសិក្សាថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិតខាងអប់រំ នៅ សាកលវិទ្យាល័យ Columbia University។ នាងបាននិយាយនៅក្នុងពិធីបង្ហាញខ្លួន(ឧទ្ទេសនាម)មុនពេលចេញដំណើរ មួយនៅក្នុងស្ថានទូតអាមេរិកក្នុងទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ កាលពីខែមុន។

នាងនិយាយថា៖ «នៅពេលខ្ញុំវិលត្រឡប់មកប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញ ខ្ញុំចង់ចូលបម្រើការ ងារនៅក្នុងក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជន និងកីឡា ពីព្រោះខ្ញុំចង់ក្លាយជាចំណែកមួយជួយជ្រុំជ្រែងក្នុងការ អភិវឌ្ឍវិស័យអប់រំនៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ពីព្រោះខ្ញុំជឿថា វិស័យអប់រំគឺជាវិស័យមួយយ៉ាងសំខាន់ក្នុងការជួយប្រទេសជាតិដើម្បី ឈានទៅរកការអភិវឌ្ឍ»។

តាំងពីឆ្នាំ១៩៩៤មក កម្មវិធី Fulbright បានផ្តល់អាហារូបករណ៍ដល់និស្សិតខ្មែរចំនួនសរុបជាង១៣០ នាក់ហើយ ដោយរួមទាំងនិស្សិតទាំង៨នាក់នេះផង ដើម្បីឲ្យពួកគេបន្តការសិក្សា ថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិត និងបណ្ឌិតនៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក។

លោកWilliam Todd គឺជាឯកអគ្គរដ្ឋទូតអាមេរិកប្រចាំកម្ពុជា។

លោកនិយាយថា៖ «ពួកគេនឹងផ្តល់ក្តីសង្ឃឹមដល់យុវជនកម្ពុជា។ មិនថា ពួកគេនឹងចូលបម្រើការងារនៅក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាល ឬវិស័យនានា ដូចជាច្បាប់ ឬអប់រំក៏ដោយ ពួកគេនឹងផ្តល់អនាគតមួយដល់យុវជននៃប្រទេសនេះ។ ពួកគេ នឹងធ្វើឲ្យសេដ្ឋកិច្ចរីកលូតលាស់ ហើយនឹងជួយជ្រុំជ្រែងប្រទេសឲ្យ ឈានឆ្ពោះ

យោង តាមស្ថានទូតអាមេរិកឲ្យដឹងថា អ្នកដែលបានវិលត្រឡប់ពីការសិក្សាក្នុងកម្មវិធី Fulbright មួយចំនួនកំពុងបម្រើការងារក្នុងមុខតំណែងសំខាន់ៗក្នុងជួរ រដ្ឋាភិបាល វិស័យឯកជន និងអង្គការក្រៅរដ្ឋាភិបាលនានា។

លោកសូផា រតនាគឺជាអតីតអ្នកទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ Fulbright ម្នាក់ដែលបច្ចុប្បន្នកំពុងធ្វើការក្នុងក្រុមហ៊ុនឯកជនមួយ។ លោកនិយាយថា បើគ្មានអាហារូបករណ៍នេះទេ លោកទំនងជាមានឱកាសតិចតួច ក្នុងចូលរួមនៅក្នុងកម្មវិធីនានា ដើម្បីជួយអភិវឌ្ឍប្រទេសជាតិ។

លោកនិយាយថា៖ «វាបានបើកទ្វារនៃឱកាសហ្នឹងច្រើន។ អញ្ចឹង នៅពេលដែលយើងស្គាល់គេច្រើនទៅ យើងបានចូលរួមក្នុងកម្មវិធីជាច្រើន។ ប៉ុន្តែ បើអត់បានទទួលអាហារូបករណ៍ហ្នឹងទេ ឱកាសក្នុងការចូលរួមក្នុង កម្មវិធីទាំងអស់ហ្នឹងក៏វាតិចជាងហ្នឹងដែរ»។

លោកប៉ិល សំអុនគឺជាឪពុករបស់អ្នកនាងប៉ិល ដាឡែន។ លោកនិយាយថា លោកនិងក្រុមគ្រួសារមានសំណាងណាស់ដែលមានកូនស្រីបានទៅបន្តការ សិក្សានៅសាកលវិទ្យាល័យដ៏ល្បីល្បាញបំផុតមួយរបស់អាមេរិកនោះ។

លោកនិយាយថា៖ «ការទៅរៀនសូត្ររបស់គេពីរឆ្នាំនេះ ក៏ខ្ញុំនិយាយប្រាប់គេថា កូន អើយ ខំប្រឹងរៀនទៅនៅស្រុកគេ។ យើងខំប្រឹងរៀនយកចំណេះវិជ្ជាហ្នឹងមក ហើយវិលមកស្រុកខ្មែរយើង វិញ ជួយធ្វើការបម្រើជាតិយើង»។

អ្នកទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ Fulbright ទាំងអស់នៅឆ្នាំនេះ នឹងបន្តការសិក្សាថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិត របស់ពួកគេរៀងៗខ្លួនផ្នែកច្បាប់ សេដ្ឋកិច្ច ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ ភាសា វិទ្យា ការបង្រៀនភាសាអង់គ្លេស និងការអប់រំ នៅតាមសាកលវិទ្យាល័យល្បីៗមួយ ចំនួនក្នុងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក៕

កម្ពុជាបង្កើតសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ

ដោយ សូត្រ សុខប្រាថ្នា

2013-07-07

ទីបំផុតសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា ត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើងហើយ នៅល្ងាចថ្ងៃ៥ កក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១៣។ សម្រាប់ប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្ត គឺជាផ្នែកមួយដ៏សំខាន់ក្នុងការរស់នៅប្រចាំថ្ងៃនៅក្នុងសង្គម។

ទីប្រឹក្សា រដ្ឋាភិបាល លោកបណ្ឌិត ស៊ន សំណាង ដែលជាប្រធានសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា បានប្រាប់វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី ឱ្យដឹងថា ការបង្កើតសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា មានគោលបំណងក្នុងការបណ្តុះបណ្តាលការស្រាវជ្រាវ ការផ្សព្វផ្សាយផ្នែកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រឱ្យកាន់តែមានភាពទូលំទូលាយពី ថ្នាក់ឧត្ដមសិក្សារហូតដល់វិទ្យាល័យ ដើម្បីបង្កើនស្នាដៃក្នុងការសរសេរប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តប្រកបដោយភាព ត្រឹមត្រូវ និងដើម្បីរួមចំណែកនៅក្នុងការអភិវឌ្ឍសង្គម។

លោក ស៊ន សំណាង៖ «ដើម្បីនឹងផ្សព្វផ្សាយ បង្កើនការយល់ដឹងដល់សាធារណជនយើង ដល់យុវជនជំនាន់ក្រោយរបស់យើង។ គេតែងតែនិយាយថា ប្រជាជាតិមួយដែលមិនស្គាល់អតីតកាលរបស់ខ្លួននោះ មិនស្គាល់បច្ចុប្បន្នកាល នឹងមិនដឹងថា ខ្លួនកំពុងធ្វើអ្វី?ដូច្នេះអ្វីដែលយើងកំពុងធ្វើនេះ គឺថាយើងចង់ឱ្យសាធារណជនខ្មែរ ឬយុវជនខ្មែរយើងយល់កាន់តែច្បាស់សម្រាប់អតីតកាល»។

សម្រាប់អនុប្រធានដេប៉ាតឺម៉ង់ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រនៃសាកលវិទ្យាល័យ ភូមិន្ទភ្នំពេញ លោកសាស្ត្រាចារ្យ វង់ សុធារ៉ា ដែលជាអនុប្រធានសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា បានបញ្ជាក់ពីអារម្មណ៍សប្បាយរីករាយសម្រាប់ការបង្កើតនូវសមាគមអ្នក ប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តកម្ពុជានេះឡើង ដោយសារលោកធ្លាប់មានការគម្រោងផ្តួចផ្តើមក្នុងការបង្កើតម្ដងរួច ហើយ ប៉ុន្តែមិនអាចចេញជារូបរាង ដោយសារខ្វះមធ្យោបាយផ្សេងៗ។ ប៉ុន្តែពេលនេះអ្នកដែលចូលចិត្តក្នុងការស្រាវជ្រាវអាចពង្រីងនូវ សមត្ថភាពរបស់ខ្លួនបាន តាមរយៈការបង្កើតសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជានេះ៖ «ពិតខ្ញុំមានអារម្មណ៍រំភើបសប្បាយរីករាយនៅពេលសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា ត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើងបាន»។

លោកបានបន្ថែមទៀតថា ដោយសារកន្លងមកមជ្ឈដ្ឋានទូទៅដូចជាមិនសូវបានសិក្សាស្រាវជ្រាវ ឬយល់ដឹងឱ្យបានត្រឹមត្រូវអំពីប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រជាតិ មិនតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ រវាងគ្រូនៅឧត្ដមសិក្សា និងគ្រូនៅវិទ្យាល័យក៏មានការបង្រៀនប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រខុសគ្នា ហើយសមាគមនេះ អាចជាការផ្ដល់មធ្យោបាយងាយស្រួលក្នុងការទំនាក់ទំនងគ្នាទៀតផង។

លោក វង់ សុធារ៉ា៖ «មជ្ឈដ្ឋានទូទៅទាំងគ្រូ ទាំងប្រជាជនសាមញ្ញ ហាក់ដូចជាមិនទាន់បានយល់ដឹងឱ្យបានស៊ីជម្រៅ ឬមួយក៏ឱ្យបានត្រឹមត្រូវអំពីប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្ររបស់ជាតិយើង ហើយក្នុងចំណោមគ្រូដែលបង្រៀននៅចំណេះដឹងទូទៅ និងនៅសាកលវិទ្យាល័យ នៅមានការបង្ហាត់បង្រៀនអំពីខ្លឹមសារប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រខ្មែរក៏ខុស ដែរ»។

ស្រដៀងគ្នានេះ ប្រធានមូលនិធិកេរដំណែលខ្មែរលោកបណ្ឌិត ចិន្ត ច័ន្ទរតនា បានលើកឡើងថា លោកមានការសប្បាយរីករាយជាខ្លាំងការដែលសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ កម្ពុជា ត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើង ពីព្រោះដោយសារការចូលរួមពីសំណាក់សាស្រ្តាចារ្យ លោកគ្រូ អ្នកគ្រូ ដែលមានមានជំនាញខាងប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តបានរួមគ្នាជាធ្លុងមួយសម្រាប់ រៀបចំការស្រាវជ្រាវប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តប្រកបទៅដោយភាពសុក្រិត។

លោក ចិន្ត ច័ន្ទរតនា៖ «ទី១ សមាគមនេះត្រូវបានផ្ដួចផ្ដើម និងរៀបចំដោយសុទ្ធសឹងតែមានអ្នកប្រាជ្ញ អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវ លោកសាស្រ្តាចារ្យ ក៏ដូចជានិស្សិតដែលមានឆន្ទៈ ក៏ដូចជាគោលបំណងរួមក្នុងការបង្កើត ឬធ្វើអ្វីមួយឱ្យជាធ្លុងមួយក្នុងការចងក្រង ប្រមូលឯកសារជាច្រើនដើម្បីធ្វើការផ្សព្វផ្សាយឱ្យបានទូលំទូលាយ ហើយឯកសារទាំងនោះ ជាពិសេសដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រខ្មែរនោះគឺមានភាពសុក្រឹត»។

សមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា ត្រូវបានទទួលការអនុញ្ញាតជាផ្លូវការពីក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ នៃរដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជា កាលពីថ្ងៃទី២៨ មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ២០១៣ ហើយបច្ចុប្បន្នមានទីស្នាក់ការកណ្ដាលនៅអគារលេខ ៨ ផ្លូវ ១៧៣ សង្កាត់អូឡាំពិក ខណ្ឌចំការមន រាជធានីភ្នំពេញ៕

CHINA: University appointment puts spotlight on selection

Global Times06 July 2013 Issue No:279

Under the current system in China, a university president of the stature of Lin Jianhua of Zhejiang University is appointed – without much public input – by two departments: the organisation department of the central committee of the Communist Party of China and the Ministry of Education, reports Global Times.

Officials from these departments announced Lin's appointment last Wednesday at a meeting of the university's leadership. In his first speech Lin admitted to some weaknesses, saying his oratory skills needed work and that he is unsociable, but that he would "shoulder the negative pressure" and carry out his job. Professors and students at the university, however, remained sceptical of his suitability, saying he is not familiar enough with the university.

The ministry started reforming the university presidential appointment system in 2011. Since then, five institutions have used an ‘open’ recruitment process to select presidents, where a committee is formed to choose candidates, and the candidates are evaluated using a number of criteria, including interviews and public opinion polls. However, none of the top universities in China have opened up their presidential selection processes.

Lin takes the stage
Under the current system, a university president of this stature is appointed without much public input, by two departments - the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Part of China (CPC) and the Ministry of Education.
Officials from these departments announced Lin's appointment on Wednesday at a meeting of the university's leadership.

"I will work hard to provide professors and students with the opportunity to realize their potential and compete fairly," Lin said in his first speech as the university president.

Lin admitted to some weaknesses, saying his oratory skills needed work and that he is unsociable, but said he would "shoulder the negative pressure" and carry out his job. Professors and students at the university remained skeptical of his suitability, saying he is not familiar enough with the university.
A professor surnamed Li at the university told the Global Times that they had only heard rumors of the appointment and the protest. "We don't know him and have never met him."

"How a university president is elected reflects the key values of the university, which should be the pursuit of higher academic levels, rather than bureaucracy," Yang Dongping, director of the 21st Century Education Research Institute, told the Global Times.

University presidents have rotated between positions more frequently in recent years, which makes it more difficult for them to appreciate the unique characteristics of each university, Xiong Bingqi, an education expert from the same institute as Yang, told the Global Times.
Yang added that the appointment system needs reform and autonomy of universities is an important component of education reform.

　　A more open process

The Ministry of Education started reforming the university president appointment system in 2011. Since then, five institutions have used an "open" recruitment process to select presidents, where a committee is formed to choose candidates, and the candidates are evaluated using a number of criteria, including interviews and public opinion polls.

Universities that have adopted this process include Northeast Normal University, the Southwest University of Finance and Economics, the Beijing University of Science and Technology, the Beijing University of Chinese Medicine and China Pharmaceutical University.

However, none of the top universities in China, such as Zhejiang University, Peking University or Tsinghua University, have opened up their university president selection processes.

Reforms allowing open recruitment for selecting presidents would be good for the sector, Xiong suggested, because administrative authorities tend to choose candidates according to administration considerations rather than academic standards and this has hampered teaching quality at universities across the country.

These reforms are likely to take some time. The Shenzhen-based South University of Science and Technology (SUST) was among the first universities to achieve a high level of autonomy after its establishment in 2011. SUST president Zhu Qingshi said that it will take a long time to change operating procedures, as it is difficult to change from a system where a high-level official always has the final say, the Nanfang Daily reported.

Xinhua contributed to this story

THAILAND: Authorities investigate World Peace 'University'

Bangkok Post06 July 2013 Issue No:279

The Department of Special Investigation (DSI) has opened a probe of World Peace University, which seems to grant honorary degrees in exchange for money, a practice the "university" insists is ethical and legal.

World Peace University is under investigation by the DSI.

The DSI said it received a complaint that the operation of World Peace cheats the public, with awards of degrees without normal university merit.

DSI chief Tarit Pengdith said Wednesday that initial investigations indicate that the firm doing business as World Peace University has not received authorisation to operate as a university under Section 10 of the Private Higher Education Institute Act.

He said the organisation registered as World Peace Limited Partnership (LP) but has used the word "university" in its name, logo and other documents. Use of "university" has made the public believe it is in fact a private university, so this limited partnership may have violated Section 22 and Section 109 of the same act.

World Peace allegedly invites people who have done good deeds to society to receive its honorary bachelor, masters and doctorate degrees. The only requirement is minimum payment of between 15,000 and 350,000 baht, entitling the recipient to use the World Peace degree publicity.

Mr Tarit said World Peace operates a website which informs readers that World Peace University has the same status as other universities in the country. Therefore, it is also has violated the Computer Crime Act, the DSI chief said.

"Our information indicates that this university cannot grant degrees or honorary degrees, because it does not have any authority, and has not been permitted to be established" as a university, he said. "The DSI will look into this case and will place charges against its rector."

The World Peace website said it will hand out honorary doctorate degrees on July 21 to around 200 people at a ceremony at the Rajamankala University of Technology Suvarnabhumi, Nonthaburi campus.

Supanut Donchan, who identified himself as registrar and acting rector, said World Peace was established in order to grant honorary doctorate degrees to persons who contribute to society in fields related to world peace, such as media, marketing and creativity.

The university has already given more than 200 such degrees to "famous people", he said, without requiring any actual university or other educational classes or examinations. Mr Supanut said the World Peace degrees could not be used as academic references for job applications.

Mr Supanut said the way World Peace operates means it is not required to get permission from the Office of the Higher Education Commission.

He insisted that the company is protected under Section 80, Clause 3 of the 2007 Constitution (B.E. 2550) which stipulated that the government has to develop education quality and standards to match economic change.

"I am willing to face the DSI investigation because I believe that the granting of honorary doctorate degrees does no harm to anyone," said Mr Supanut.

World Peace University was investigated once before, by the National Office of Buddhism, after a follower of the now infamous Luang Pu Nen Kham Chattiko claimed he got a doctorate from this company.

MYANMAR: Former political prisoners denied university access

The Irrawaddy06 July 2013 Issue No:279

The university studies of 23-year-old Ye Myat Hein were interrupted in 2007 when he was imprisoned in connection with the pro-democracy Saffron Revolution. Today, more than a year after his release by Myanmar’s government as part of a mass amnesty, he is among more than a dozen would-be students who have been denied re-enrolment at the University of Yangon, write Lawi Weng and May Sitt Paing for The Irrawaddy.

The reason? Because of the time they served as political prisoners, which the government says amounts to truancy. Kyaw Thu Maung, a personal assistant to the deputy education minister, told The Irrawaddy last Tuesday that the 15 students in question were being treated in line with university policy.

“We could not allow daily university attendance to anyone who has skipped school for a long period of time,” he said. “This [rule] is not only for political prisoners, but also for others, according to the system.”

Full report on The Irrawaddy site

AUSTRALIA: A preferred destination for international students

Geoff Maslen06 July 2013 Issue No:279

"The most significant feature of the tertiary education landscape in Australia is the large proportion of international students,” says the OECD report Education at a Glance 2013. The land down under is a key destination for students from around the world, hosting more than 6% of its foreign students.

“This figure places Australia as the third most popular destination after the US (16%) and the UK (13%). One in five of the students enrolled in tertiary education in Australia in 2011 were international students, the highest proportion among all OECD countries, against an OECD average of 7%,” the report states.

“The country receives almost 20 times more international students than the number of Australian students who choose to study in tertiary programmes abroad.”

The report notes that Australia’s total expenditure for all levels of education relative to gross domestic product in 2010 was 6%, the same proportion as the OECD average of 6%. Significant increases in government investment between 2008 and 2010 saw Australia’s spending increase by 24% – or more than four times the OECD average increase of 5%.

“In 2010, Australia devoted about US$10,825 per student each year at all levels from primary to tertiary education, compared with the OECD average of US$ 9.313 per student,” the report says. “In 2010, 74% of Australia’s total expenditure on educational institutions came from public sources, lower than the OECD average of 84%.

“In fact, at 26%, Australia has the sixth largest proportion of private expenditure in the OECD for all levels of education compared with an OECD average of 16%. At the tertiary level, 54% of all spending came from private sources, again much higher than the OECD average of 32%.”

The report says educational attainment is high in Australia, where 74% of 25- to 64-year-olds have at least an upper secondary qualification, compared to the OECD average of 76%. The proportion of adults completing upper secondary education has increased significantly across generations, with 84% of 25- to 34-year-olds holding an upper secondary qualification compared to 61% among 55- to 64-year-olds.

Overall, tertiary attainment rates are well above the OECD average: 38% of the working age population holds a university degree, when the OECD average is 32%. This proportion rises to 45% among 25- to 34-year-olds compared to the OECD average of 39%.

But the OECD statisticians do not take account of the fact that a significant number of university graduates are from overseas and not Australian residents or immigrants. It is their presence that inflates the 45% figure, when the proportion of Australian citizens or migrants is about the OECD average.

But the report does mention that international students have a marked impact on estimated graduation rates and that because of the high proportion graduation rates are artificially inflated.

“For example, when international students are excluded from consideration, Australia’s graduation rates for first-time tertiary-type A (theoretical university-based programmes) courses drop by 17 percentage points, and first-time tertiary-type B (shorter , more vocationally oriented programmes) graduation rates drop by 3 percentage points.”

GLOBAL: Rankings and accountability in higher education

29 June 2013 Issue No:278

UNESCO has released a new publication, Rankings and Accountability in Higher Education: Uses and misuses, which debates the pros and cons of classifying universities. A UNESCO release says the book brings together “the people behind university rankings and their critics to debate the uses and misuses of existing rankings”.

The book arose from the “Global Forum Rankings and Accountability in Higher Education: Uses and misuses”, the first global consultation on the subject, organised by UNESCO, the OECD and the World Bank in May 2011. This brought together researchers, academics, policy analysts, students and institutional leaders.

The release says the book develops many of the issues addressed during that landmark consultation and is the first in a new UNESCO series, Education on the Move, aimed at bringing the latest thinking in education to specialists worldwide.

The book features comments from people on five continents to provide a comprehensive overview of current thinking on the subject and sets out alternative approaches and complementary tools for a new era of transparent and informed use of higher education ranking tables.

It presents two sides to the debate:

1: Rankings purport to measure higher education quality, but:

There are more than 16,000 higher education institutions in the world, and global rankings focus attention on the performance of less than 100 – or less than 1%. The pervasiveness of focusing on the top institutions obscures the fact that the majority of students attend non-elite institutions.
Rankings throw no light on how a nation’s higher education system educates all its students and citizens.
Rankings encourage nations to focus disproportionately on a handful of elites, which could undermine national or regionally strategic priorities and capacity for the knowledge society.
Focus should be on ensuring the system is world class rather than on the performance of the individual ‘world-class university’.
Aligning national priorities to meet the criteria of rankings is an abdication of national sovereignty.
Because national budgets are a zero-sum-game (spending in one area means taking from somewhere else), governments risk subverting other policy objectives in order to conform to indicators designed by others for other purposes.
Disproportionate emphasis on research can undermine teaching and learning.

2: However, rankings can claim achievements in the following areas:

They have acted as a wake-up call about the value and importance of higher education, especially for nations that may not have been investing sufficiently.
They have placed consideration of higher education quality within a wider comparative and international framework, which has challenged self-perceptions of greatness so there is no more room for self-promotion.
With the onslaught of global rankings, the higher education world has become more competitive but also multi-polar. Many more countries are making a contribution to knowledge creation and dissemination.
While rankings do not measure what is meaningful about the quality of higher education, they have drawn our attention to the importance of good quality comparative information about performance and productivity, value for money and return on public investment.
Good quality, international comparative information is essential for underpinning strategic leadership and decision-making at the national and institutional levels.
Comparable information on institutions, teaching and research makes it easier for students and researchers to make informed choices on where and what to study and where to work.
Improved data-based or evidence-based decision-making can prompt discussions about what constitutes success and encourage benchmarking to identify and share best practices.

EUROPE: Challenges facing doctoral education

Bianka Siwinska29 June 2013 Issue No:278

Some 200 university leaders, senior managers, researchers and policy-makers gathered at the University of Warsaw earlier in June for the sixth annual meeting of the European University Association’s (EUA) Council for Doctoral Education.

These meetings give all stakeholders working with doctoral education platforms to discuss current trends and future developments in European and global doctoral education. The theme of this year’s event was: “From student to researcher; are we on the right track?”

Discussions focused on the extent to which European doctoral education has been on the “right track” after a decade of structural changes. The past decade has seen major changes, with universities introducing doctoral schools and structured programmes.

The schools monitor the progress of doctoral candidates and the quality of supervision and research in doctoral programmes, said Lesley Wilson, EUA secretary general. At the same time, new legislation is being drafted or implemented in many countries, providing new requirements and challenges facing those responsible for doctoral education, while agencies for quality assurance and research assessment are showing more interest in the area.

The need to maintain the quality of doctoral education during a time of massification appears to be one of the most important challenges. In recent years, the number of doctoral students in Poland had almost doubled – to 40,000 – said Professor Marta Kiciska-Habior, vice-rector for student affairs and quality of teaching and learning at the University of Warsaw.

“We are still struggling with the outcomes of the process and are trying to improve the internal system of quality assurances. One of the problems is that there are no rules or guidelines on PhD supervision specified in the university regulations,” Kiciska-Habior said. “We do not have efficient tools to check or encourage the involvement of the supervisor.”

A newly completed Accountable Research Environments for Doctoral Education, or ARDE, project (led by the EUA) was demonstrated during the conference and confirmed that universities across the Europe were not yet fully satisfied with the procedures regarding supervision.

The meeting sought to take stock of the reforms and to determine if national legal frameworks as well as universities were ‘on the right track’ in transforming students into researchers. The participants generally agreed doctoral education was on the ‘right track’, said Thomas Jorgensten, EUA head of the unit responsible for the EUA Council for Doctoral Education.

Keynote speaker Francesc Xavier Grau, rector of Universitat Rovira i Virgili in Spain, highlighted how the establishment of doctoral schools had enabled universities to increase their capacity in terms of research output and outreach to other sectors. Doctoral candidates were particularly good at bridging the gap between basic research and innovation, Xavier said.

But several speakers warned that the large expansion in the number of doctoral candidates in many countries could potentially lead to overall lower quality. They called for safeguarding research excellence.

The conference discussions revealed that considerable differences existed across Europe in terms of approaches and challenges facing doctoral education. “There is a good common European dialogue on doctoral education, but there is also an opportunity to do more in terms of creating a shared vision on good practices in the future,” Jorgensten said.

* The EUA Council for Doctoral Education is an integral part of the EUA and was established in 2008. Its mission is to contribute to the development, advancement and improvement of doctoral education and research training in Europe.

FRANCE: High spending, low fees – And lower salaries

Jane Marshall06 July 2013 Issue No:279

France scores well in its expenditure on higher education students, in the proportion of its population who are graduates and in the number of international students who choose to study there, according to the OECD’s Education at a Glance 2013. But the financial advantages a degree confers on employees are lower for French graduates than for their peers across the OECD, especially women.

From 2005 to 2010, the amount France spent on each primary, secondary and non-tertiary post-secondary pupil increased by only 5% compared to an OECD average of 10%. Spending on each higher education student, however, rose by 15% to an average of US$15,067, says the OECD country note on France.

This was more than the overall OECD average of US$13,528, but less than Canada, Denmark, the US, Sweden and Switzerland, which all spent more than US$18,000 per student.

French higher education receives relatively little funding from the private sector, which contributes 18% of finance compared to 32% in the OECD as a whole. In spite of France’s relatively high spending on higher education, student fees remain low compared to many other OECD countries.

For the 2012-13 year, university fees in France are €181 (US$236) for a licence (bachelor degree equivalent) and €250 for a masters course. In a third of the other countries surveyed, annual student fees were more than US$1,500.

The proportion of the French population with degrees has risen significantly during the past 30 years, where they represent 43% of 25- to 34-year-olds, compared to 19% of 55- to 64-year-olds. OECD averages are 39% and 24% respectively, but France scores below Korea, Japan, Canada and the Russian Federation, where more than 55% of today’s young adults are graduates of higher education.

More than 75% of French students who start a first degree course finish it, on a par with Australia, Denmark, Finland, Japan and Spain; and better than Hungary, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden and the US, where fewer than 60% of students succeed, says the note.

And while the French drop-out rate overall is lower than the OECD average, 14% of French students who abandon their university studies successfully switch to more technical courses.

The proportion of young people with doctorates in France equals the OECD average: 1.6% in 2011. As in Chile and Israel, more than 35% of doctorate holders in France specialise in a ‘hard’ science, compared to 23% across OECD countries. Furthermore, says the note, about a third of doctorate holders in France are from abroad, “which can indicate both the attractiveness of its courses for foreign students and a fear among national students to commit themselves”.

It also means a low rate of young postgraduates studying after the age of 25. While on average in OECD countries the percentage of young postgraduates aged 25-29 and still in education is 18%, in France it is only 7%. This compares badly with Austria, Denmark, Italy and Sweden, where the proportion is more than 25%.

A higher education qualification means higher salaries in the job market, and French graduates earn on average 47% more than non-graduates. But this is less than their peers in other OECD countries, whose degrees give them a financial advantage averaging 57%.

The situation is worse for French women graduates, who can expect a net advantage during their career of only 8.9%, against an OECD average of 11.5%, while French men gain 10.1%, compared to 13% across the OECD.

One profession where French graduates fare financially poorly is teaching. Primary and secondary schoolteachers’ statutory salaries are lower than the OECD average whether they are beginners or have up to 15 years’ experience. Only those at the top of the salary scale earn more than the OECD average – and teachers need to have 34 years of service to reach this level, compared to 24 years on average in other OECD countries.

During the past 30 years the number of students studying in a country other than their own has risen from 800,000 in 1975 to 4.3 million in 2011, notes the report. France remains an attractive country for foreign students and they represent nearly 12% of all students in France.

Indeed, France is among the top five destinations for international students, equal third with Australia and Germany, each with 6%, after the US at 17% and Britain at 13%.

UNITED STATES: What’s driving the new professional doctorates?

Ami Zusman06 July 2013 Issue No:279

In the past 10 to 15 years, new kinds of doctorate degrees – in fields that had never had doctorates before – have burst onto the higher education scene in the United States. These new ‘professional practice doctorate’, or PPD, degrees have emerged in at least a dozen fields, ranging from physical therapy to bioethics.

Some of these newly created doctorate degrees are now required for a person to enter a professional practice. In other fields, although they are not (or not yet) required, these doctorates have become the normative degree.

Nor is this just a US phenomenon: new professional doctorate degrees have been created and programmes for them are growing rapidly in Canada, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Australia and elsewhere.

Professional practice doctorates differ from PhDs in several ways; most are shorter than PhDs – in some cases, only slightly longer than the masters programmes they replace. In the US, most do not require original research, but they do include a clinical component.

Beyond this, there is little agreement on what they are or should be. Yet, like PhDs, they use the title ‘doctorate’, require at least some study beyond the masters level and are intended to confirm the highest level of achievement.

Phenomenal growth

The growth of newly created professional practice doctorates in the US has been phenomenal.

Programmes for them skyrocketed from nearly zero a decade ago to more than 500 programmes in at least a dozen fields today, with over 10,000 degrees awarded just in 2012. For example, doctor of nursing practice programmes increased from just two in 2002 to 217 in 2012; nearly 100 more programmes are in the planning stage. What’s driving this growth?

Supporters of the new doctorates state that they are needed to respond to the growing complexity of professionals’ work environments, rapid expansion of knowledge underlying practice, and increases in technological interventions. While there are some indications of these factors, in most fields the evidence is limited.

For example, the difference between masters and doctoral programmes in physical therapy is on average just 12 weeks, and doctorate holders do not have higher licensure pass rates; if increased labour market complexity were the main reason to require doctorates, one would expect greater differentiation between masters and doctoral degrees and greater student success.

Overall, it is not evident that these doctorates have led to higher salaries or career advancement for professionals or significantly better outcomes for clients, although it may be too soon to determine outcomes. Rather, based on my research, I conclude that in most fields professional associations’ and practitioners’ pursuit of greater status, autonomy and control has been the main factor driving the creation of new doctorate credentials.

Once these doctorate degrees are established, institutions have felt pressured to offer doctoral programmes either because accreditation mandated it or because they felt they would be less competitive otherwise. For many formerly non-doctoral institutions, these new doctorates also provided an opportunity to take a long-desired step into doctoral work.

It is important to note that situations do differ among fields, programmes and institutions. Nevertheless, much of the adoption of these doctorate degrees seems driven by credential creep, followed in many cases by mission creep.

Why the growth of PPD degrees matters

The resource implications of the professional practice doctorates are substantial.

First, there seems to be a domino effect in health fields, with the PPD becoming the required or normative degree for entering practice in one field after another. Second, while most new growth in the US has been in health fields, new types of PPDs have been started in a variety of fields.

Third, many of the new programmes are expensive, so even limited expansion requires more resources. At a time when most institutions face shrinking resources, this means either redistribution of resources from other programmes or institutions, a higher workload burden on faculty, or higher tuition fees and higher foregone income burdens on students.

Indeed, partly because of public disinvestment in higher education, students are bearing the brunt of increased programme costs. For example, median total tuition and fee costs for doctor of physical therapy programmes in US public institutions were 63% higher than for masters programmes in 2010; in private institutions, they were 14% higher.

Higher tuition and longer periods of study will likely increase student debt and may reduce access into the profession, especially since financial support for these programmes is meagre in most cases.

PPDs also raise unresolved questions.

For example, what should a ‘doctorate’ mean? Should profession-specific accrediting bodies – which play important roles in setting standards for programme effectiveness – also determine which degrees institutions offer in these fields? Finally, the fundamental issue for public policy is the ultimate impact of new PPDs on clients, organisations and communities. New requirements could lead to fewer professionals, especially in already under-served communities.

On the other hand, if PPD training enables professionals to serve their clients more effectively, meet new and more complex needs and, in the words of advocates, transform the organisations and settings in which they work – and do so without reducing access to services – the added resource costs to individuals and the public may well be worthwhile.

Those outcomes are still unknown.

* Ami Zusman is a visiting scholar at the Center for Studies in Higher Education (CSHE) at the University of California, Berkeley. She formerly directed graduate and professional education planning and student outcomes assessment for the University of California system. This commentary is based on her paper, “Degrees of Change: How new kinds of professional doctorates are changing higher education institutions”, published online as part of UC Berkeley CSHE’s Research and Occasional Paper Series.