- Tuesday, 23 July 2013
- ឃុន ស៊ីថុន
- គ្មាន
ទេសារដែលជាក់លាក់សម្រាប់គោលនយោបាយរបស់គណបក្សដើម្បីយុវជន។
យុវជនមួយចំនួនដែលចូលរួមយុទ្ធនាការឃោសនាបោះឆ្នោតមិនបានយល់ពីគោល
នយោបាយរបស់គណបក្សបានច្បាស់លាស់ទេ។
ជាពិសេសពួកគេមិនបានដឹងថាតើពួកគេនឹងទទួលបានអ្វីពីគោលនយោបាយ
របស់គណបក្សនៅពេលដែលគណបក្សនោះជាប់ឆ្នោត។
វាទំនងជាមានកត្តាពីរដែលធ្វើឲ្យមានគម្លាតគោលនយោបាយជាក់លាក់
សម្រាប់យុវជន។ កត្តាទីមួយ គឺយុវជនខ្លួនឯង។
យើងអាចកត់សម្គាល់ឃើញថា
គ្មានទេចលនាយុវជនឯករាជ្យដែលធ្វើការដើម្បីតម្រូវការពិតប្រាកដ
របស់យុវជន។
ចាប់តាំងពីទសវត្សរ៍ឆ្នាំ ១៩៩០ ដល់ទសវត្សរ៍ឆ្នាំ ២០០០ មិនខ្វះទេចលនា និងសមាគមនិស្សិត និងយុវជន ប៉ុន្តែនៅទីបញ្ចប់មេដឹកនាំចលនាទាំងនោះ បានរត់រកដំបូលជ្រក រៀងៗខ្លួនខ្លះសម្ងំសោយសុខ ជាមួយមុខនាទីក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាល និងខ្លះទៀតកំពុងតស៊ូនៅក្នុងគណបក្សប្រឆាំង។ គ្មានទេផលប្រយោជន៍រួមសម្រាប់យុវជន គឺមានតែការតស៊ូដើម្បីឋាន: និងមុខតំណែង ដែលជាប្រយោជន៍របស់បុគ្គល។ ជាការគួរឲ្យកត់សម្គាល់ចលនាយុវជនទាំងនោះ មិនបានបង្កើតគោលនយោបាយសម្រាប់ផលប្រយោជន៍យុវជន ដើម្បីយកទៅតស៊ូមតិ ឬលក់ឲ្យអ្នកនយោបាយទេ។ ពួកគេភាគច្រើនបានលក់ខ្លួនឯងតែម្តង ហើយថែមទាំងបានបង្កើតនូវវប្បធម៌ជេរប្រមាថ ឲ្យស្អប់គ្នាទៅវិញទៅមកទៀតផង។
ចំណែកកត្តាទី ២ ទំនងជាដោយសារអ្នកនយោបាយទាំងនោះគ្មានព័ត៌មានយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រអំពី តម្រូវការជាក់ស្តែងរបស់យុវជន ហើយមិនដឹងថា ត្រូវធ្វើដូចម្តេចដើម្បីធ្វើគោលនយោបាយមួយដែលឆ្លើយតបទៅនឹង តម្រូវការទាំងនោះឲ្យចំចំណុចទេ។ ជាការពិត ក្រឹត្យក្រមសត្យានុម័តនៅក្នុងសង្គមលើពិភពលោកជាពិសេស ក្រោមឥទ្ធិពលសកលភាវូបនីយកម្ម បានបង្ហាញថា កាលណាសង្គមកាន់តែអភិវឌ្ឍ ការធ្វើគោលនយោបាយរបស់គណបក្សត្រូវឲ្យមានលក្ខណៈជាប្រព័ន្ធ ដើម្បីឲ្យឆ្លើយតបទៅនឹងតម្រូវការ និងកង្វល់ជាក់ស្តែងរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ។ រាល់សង្គមមនុស្សសុទ្ធតែមានលក្ខណៈ ឌីណាមិក ពោលគឺមានការវិវត្តជានិច្ច គ្រាន់តែយូរ ឬឆាប់តែប៉ុណ្ណោះ។
ចលនា ផ្តួលរដ្ឋាភិបាលនៅប្រទេស ឥណ្ឌូនេស៊ី បានទទួលជោគជ័យមួយផ្នែកធំក៏ដោយសារយុវជន។ បទពិសោធដ៏ជូចត់នៅប្រទេស នេប៉ាល់ ដោយសារតែឱកាសការងារតិចតួចនិងប្រាក់ចំណូលមិនអាចរស់បានយុវជន កូនអ្នកក្រដែលគ្មានបក្ខពួកគ្រួសារនៅក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាល ពេលបញ្ចប់ការសិក្សានៅសាកលវិទ្យាល័យបានវេចបង្វេចឡើងឡានតាក់ស៊ី ទៅចូលរួមចលនាម៉ៅនិយមដើម្បីធ្វើសកម្មភាពតស៊ូប្រយុទ្ធ ប្រឆាំងជាមួយរដ្ឋាភិបាល។ ចំណែកយុវជនដែលមានបក្ខពួកគ្រួសារនៅក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាល បានចូលបម្រើការងារនៅក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាល។
រដ្ឋាភិបាលមិនអាចរក្សាស្ថិរភាពអំណាចបានទេ ដោយសារកម្លាំងយុវជនអ្នកក្រ មានចំនួនច្រើនជាងអ្នកមាន។ នៅទីបញ្ចប់ចលនាម៉ៅនិយមបានទទួលជោគជ័យនៅក្នុងការបោះឆ្នោតនៅ ប្រទេស នេប៉ាល់។ ពិតណាស់បទពិសោធលើលោកបានបង្ហាញថា រដ្ឋាភិបាលពិតជាមិនអាចទប់ស្កាត់ចលនាយុវជនបានទេ ទោះជាប្រើកណ្តាប់ដៃដែកធ្ងន់ប៉ុនណាក៏ដោយ។
ជម្រើសមានតែមួយគត់ គឺការអភិវឌ្ឍយុវជនលក្ខណៈជាប្រព័ន្ធ តាមរយៈការពង្រឹងប្រព័ន្ធអប់រំជាពិសេសនៅថ្នាក់ឧត្តមសិក្សា ការបណ្តុះបណ្តាលជំនាញវិជ្ជាជីវៈដែលមានគុណភាពដល់យុវជនដែល រៀនបានត្រឹមចំណេះទូទៅ និងការបង្កើតឱកាសការងារជាប្រព័ន្ធ។ ការបង្កើតសាកលវិទ្យាល័យព្រោងព្រាត ដើម្បីបណ្តុះធនធានមនុស្សយកតែបរិមាណ តែគ្មានគុណភាពគឺទេ្វគ្រោះដល់រដ្ឋាភិបាលនៅក្នុងរយៈពេលវែង។ ចំណែកឯការអនុវត្តគោលនយោបាយបញ្ជូនពលករចំណាកស្រុកទៅស៊ីឈ្នូលគេ នៅក្រៅប្រទេស គឺជាអន្តរាយរយៈពេលយូរ។ គោលនយោបាយទាំងនេះគេអាចអនុវត្តបានតែក្នុងរយៈពេលខ្លីប៉ុណ្ណោះ។
តើជាក់ស្តែង យុវជននិងក្រុមគ្រួសារមានកង្វល់អ្វី ហើយរំពឹងចង់បានអ្វីពិតប្រាដកពីរដ្ឋាភិបាលដែលជាប់ឆ្នោត?
មិនខុសគ្នាទេពីយុវជនមួយទៅយុវជនមួយ និងក្រុមគ្រួសារមួយទៅក្រុមគ្រួសារមួយទៀតដែលគ្មានសមាជិកជា ឧត្តមមន្ត្រី ក្តីកង្វល់របស់ពួកគេគឺគ្មានលទ្ធភាពបន្តការសិក្សានៅសាកល វិទ្យាល័យ ហើយនៅពេលរៀនចប់មហាវិទ្យាល័យឱកាសគ្មានការងារធ្វើគឺខ្ពស់ បំផុត។ ចំនួននិស្សិតដែលរៀនចប់គ្មានការងារធ្វើមានចំនួនកើនឡើងខ្ពស់ដូច ភ្នំ។ មន្ត្រីផ្តល់តែរបាយការណ៍រីកចម្រើនភ្នែកទិព្វដល់រដ្ឋាភិបាល មិនហ៊ានបង្ហាញទេ របាយការណ៍ស្តីពីចំណុចខ្វះខាតដែលមានលក្ខណៈជាប្រព័ន្ធ។ ការវិនិយោគទាំងពេលវេលានិងថវិកាលើការសិក្សារយៈពេល១៦ ឆ្នាំ បានតែសញ្ញាបត្រ។ ពិបាករកណាស់សញ្ញាឃើញសម្រាប់ចិញ្ចឹមជីវិតនិងគ្រួសារ។
គ្មានទេ គោលនយោបាយរបស់គណបក្សដើម្បីដោះស្រាយបញ្ហានេះសម្រាប់យុវជន និងកង្វល់របស់ក្រុមគ្រួសារពួកគេ។ គ្មានទេការសន្យា ផ្តល់កញ្ចប់ថវិកាជាក់លាក់សម្រាប់អភិវឌ្ឍគុណភាពអប់រំនៅថ្នាក់ ឧត្តមសិក្សាដើម្បីឲ្យនិស្សិតចេញមកមានជំនាញនិងចំណេះដឹងពិត ប្រាកដដែលអាចឆ្លើយតបទៅនឹងតម្រូវការទីផ្សារ ការងារជាក់ស្តែង ជាពិសេសអាចប្រកួតប្រជែងជាមួយប្រជាជននៅក្នុងតំបន់ នៅពេលអនុវត្តសហគមន៍សេដ្ឋកិច្ចអាស៊ាន។ គ្មានទេការសន្យាអំពីថវិកាវិនិយោគដើម្បីផ្តល់ឥណទានដល់និស្សិតយក ទៅបន្តការសិក្សានៅថ្នាក់ឧត្តម។ គ្មានទេការសន្យានៅក្នុងការវិនិយោគកសាងអគារស្នាក់នៅសម្រាប់ និស្សិតមកពីតាមជនបទ ជាពិសេសស្ត្រី។
ចំណែកយុវជនដែលមិនអាចបន្តការសិក្សានៅថ្នាក់ឧត្តមត្រូវការការ វិនិយោគលើការបណ្តុះបណ្តាលជំនាញវិជ្ជាជីវ:ពិតប្រាកដ ដែលមានគុណភាពអាចឆ្លើយតបទៅនឹងទីផ្សារនៅក្នុងប្រទេស និងតំបន់។ ប៉ុន្តែរហូតមកដល់ពេលនេះ គ្មានទេសារនយោបាយដែលទាក់ទងទៅនឹងការសន្យាដើម្បីផ្តល់កញ្ចប់ ថវិកាសម្រាប់អភិវឌ្ឍជំនាញវិជ្ជាជីវ:សម្រាប់យុវជន។
ភាគច្រើននៃពលករកម្ពុជាទាំងក្នុងស្រុក និងចំណាកស្រុក គឺជាកម្មករគ្មានជំនាញពិតប្រាកដ។
បើសិនជាគ្មានគោលនយោបាយជាក់លាក់ដែលឆ្លើយតបទៅនឹងតម្រូវការ ទាំងនេះសម្រាប់យុវជនទេ តើយុវជនកម្ពុជានឹងទទួលបានអ្វីពីការខិតខំរបស់ខ្លួន នៅពេលដែលគណបក្សដែលខ្លួនគាំទ្រទទួលបានជោគជ័យនៅក្នុងការបោះឆ្នោត ? យុវជនគឺជាក្តីសង្ឃឹម ជាកម្លាំង និងជាអនាគតរបស់ប្រទេសជាតិ៕
ដោយ ឃុន ស៊ីថុន (បណ្ឌិតផ្នែកប្រជាសាស្ត្រ)
Tuesday, 23 July 2013
តើពួកគេចូលរួមយុទ្ធនាការបោះឆ្នោតទទួលបានអ្វី?
Monday, 22 July 2013
Rainsy is irrelevant, PM’s son tells rally
Mon, 22 July 2013
Vong Sokheng and Kevin Ponniah
In the first
public ruling-party comments on Sam Rainsy’s return, lawmaker candidate
Hun Many, the youngest son of Prime Minister Hun Sen, told a specially
convened youth rally that the reappearance of the opposition head
“doesn’t matter”.
Speaking to some 15,000 ruling-party youth gathered on Koh Pich yesterday, Many, who is the first of his father’s progeny to run for political office and the head of the CPP youth movement, insisted Rainsy’s return would not affect the CPP’s campaign.
Instead, the Kampong Speu Assembly candidate characterised Rainsy’s pardon and subsequent return — engineered by Hun Sen and rubber-stamped by King Norodom Sihamoni — as part of the ruling party’s commitment to democracy.
“I think the CPP will continue to build strong support for the party. The return of Sam Rainsy doesn’t matter. It’s Sam Rainsy’s business,” Many, 31, said.
“The CPP desires to see national reconciliation and a free and fair election in accordance with multiparty democracy and equal rights [for all].”
The rally marked the first major display of Cambodian People’s Party might since opposition icon Rainsy triumphantly returned to the Kingdom on Friday.
Though the crowd could have never been expected to match the roughly 100,000 that turned out for Rainsy’s homecoming after four years in political exile, the daylong event that culminated in a massive concert featuring top headliners made up for what it lacked in numbers with lavishness.
In the hours leading up to Many’s appearance, a sea of blue party flags descended on Koh Pich yesterday afternoon as the CPP cavalry diligently filed in on thousands of scooters and flatbed trucks.
Dozens of roaring luxury motorbikes, along with the usual cavalcade of SUVs, were a clear sign of the sizeable war chest backing the campaign.
The slick and well-oiled party machine was also on display, with minders armed with loudspeakers and walkie-talkies calmly directing various youth contingents into place in front of the stage before Many’s arrival.
Still, with the campaign three weeks in, party youth were visibly tired and the mood remained subdued at the start compared with the wild scenes that greeted Rainsy at the weekend.
Many received only a brief applause from the crowd and thousands of youngsters simply sat on their bikes on various corners of the island throughout proceedings, waiting to ride off for the subsequent procession around town.
Away from the stage, waning energy quickly picked up, however, as the group wound its way toward the concert at Wat Botum park.
In his speech, Many appealed to CPP youth to maintain discipline as the campaign draws to a close and painted a return to civil strife if the ruling party were to lose focus before the election.
“We have to protect the peaceful trees that we have been harvesting for fruit. If we are careless and do not deeply consider our every move … these fruits will be lost in a minute, and our country will plunge into instability and social chaos,” he said.
Many also targeted an unnamed party for adopting a foreign mindset to look at Cambodia, ignoring CPP achievements and attacking the ruling party.
But while Many evinced no concern over the return of the opposition’s leader, one young CPP supporter, Sean Baksaboramey, 16, said that after seeing the massive crowds gathered for Rainsy’s arrival, he was worried about the election results.
“I am concerned about the competition between the CPP and CNRP after I saw how many CNRP supporters came out to greet Rainsy on Friday,” he said.
Speaking to some 15,000 ruling-party youth gathered on Koh Pich yesterday, Many, who is the first of his father’s progeny to run for political office and the head of the CPP youth movement, insisted Rainsy’s return would not affect the CPP’s campaign.
Instead, the Kampong Speu Assembly candidate characterised Rainsy’s pardon and subsequent return — engineered by Hun Sen and rubber-stamped by King Norodom Sihamoni — as part of the ruling party’s commitment to democracy.
“I think the CPP will continue to build strong support for the party. The return of Sam Rainsy doesn’t matter. It’s Sam Rainsy’s business,” Many, 31, said.
“The CPP desires to see national reconciliation and a free and fair election in accordance with multiparty democracy and equal rights [for all].”
The rally marked the first major display of Cambodian People’s Party might since opposition icon Rainsy triumphantly returned to the Kingdom on Friday.
Though the crowd could have never been expected to match the roughly 100,000 that turned out for Rainsy’s homecoming after four years in political exile, the daylong event that culminated in a massive concert featuring top headliners made up for what it lacked in numbers with lavishness.
In the hours leading up to Many’s appearance, a sea of blue party flags descended on Koh Pich yesterday afternoon as the CPP cavalry diligently filed in on thousands of scooters and flatbed trucks.
Dozens of roaring luxury motorbikes, along with the usual cavalcade of SUVs, were a clear sign of the sizeable war chest backing the campaign.
The slick and well-oiled party machine was also on display, with minders armed with loudspeakers and walkie-talkies calmly directing various youth contingents into place in front of the stage before Many’s arrival.
Still, with the campaign three weeks in, party youth were visibly tired and the mood remained subdued at the start compared with the wild scenes that greeted Rainsy at the weekend.
Many received only a brief applause from the crowd and thousands of youngsters simply sat on their bikes on various corners of the island throughout proceedings, waiting to ride off for the subsequent procession around town.
Away from the stage, waning energy quickly picked up, however, as the group wound its way toward the concert at Wat Botum park.
In his speech, Many appealed to CPP youth to maintain discipline as the campaign draws to a close and painted a return to civil strife if the ruling party were to lose focus before the election.
“We have to protect the peaceful trees that we have been harvesting for fruit. If we are careless and do not deeply consider our every move … these fruits will be lost in a minute, and our country will plunge into instability and social chaos,” he said.
Many also targeted an unnamed party for adopting a foreign mindset to look at Cambodia, ignoring CPP achievements and attacking the ruling party.
But while Many evinced no concern over the return of the opposition’s leader, one young CPP supporter, Sean Baksaboramey, 16, said that after seeing the massive crowds gathered for Rainsy’s arrival, he was worried about the election results.
“I am concerned about the competition between the CPP and CNRP after I saw how many CNRP supporters came out to greet Rainsy on Friday,” he said.
Cambodia’s New Military Helicopters Take Off
By Aun Pheap - July 22, 2013
The Ministry of Defense on Sunday confirmed that it has received
delivery of two Z-9 military helicopters from China, with 10 more to be
delivered next month to complete a multimillion dollar loan deal signed
between the two countries in August 2011.
Minister of Defense Tea Banh said the Royal Cambodian Air Force
(RCAF) had already flown the two new helicopters, which could be seen
near the Phnom Penh airbase Friday morning, shortly before the return of
opposition leader Sam Rainsy after four years abroad.
A Chinese-built Z-9 military helicopter, one of 12 purchased with loans from China, performs a test flight over Phnom Penh on Friday. (Siv Channa)
“We have to test the new helicopters even though they are new. We
tested them on Friday to check the engines and to ensure the technology
that the helicopters are fitted with is working correctly,” he said,
adding that the Chinese aircraft are fitted with night-vision technology
to enable pilots to fly at night.
The Z-9 is a multiuse helicopter built under license by China’s
Harbin Aircraft Manufacturing Corporation and modeled on the French-made
Dauphin helicopter. They can be fitted with high-tech assault weaponry,
but the RCAF has said it intends to use the helicopters for
humanitarian purposes.
“They can and will be used for many purposes such as carrying out
rescue operations and transporting different materials and so on,”
General Banh said.
The new fleet of Z-9s, which will replace an aging fleet of
Russian-made Mi-8 and Mi-17 helicopters, were paid for by a
$195.5-million Chinese loan, signed in 2011 by Prime Minister Hun Sen
and then-Chinese Standing Committee member Zhou Yongkang.
The helicopter purchase is one of a growing number of loans, trade
deals and grants that Cambodia has signed with China over the past few
years, making Beijing Cambodia’s single biggest patron and boosting
China’s political and economic leverage in the country.
Rainsy Takes Election Campaign to Rural Cambodia
By Phorn Bopha and Zsombor Peter - July 20, 2013
TAKEO PROVINCE – Freshly returned from almost four years of self-imposed exile, Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) President Sam Rainsy led a noisy motorcade of a few thousand supporters through Kompong Speu and Takeo provinces on Saturday to rally support for the opposition heading into the July 28 national election.
After an early morning rally in front of the CNRP’s Kompong Speu City headquarters with Vice President Kem Sokha, the pair made a series of stops along the way to address both the train of rowdy party faithful and local villagers.
Opposition
leader Sam Rainsy meets with supporters on Saturday in Takeo province
as he embarks on a seven-day campaign tour in which he will speak in 15
of Cambodia’s 24 provinces. (Thomas Cristofoletti)
“Dear people, I am back,” Mr. Rainsy said during a stop at Takeo province’s Ang Tasom market. “Dear people, please have sympathy for our nation, which is being destroyed. Land and forests, lakes and mines are running out.”
Hitting another popular party theme, Mr. Rainsy also made sure to
regularly accuse Vietnam and the Vietnamese for many of the country’s
problems, using a common ethnic slur for Cambodia’s eastern neighbors.
“The Yuon take all our land, and the Khmer get poorer,” he said, “So all Cambodians please stand up, wake up and vote for the CNRP in order to rescue the nation.”
Waiting his turn, Mr. Sokha followed up by hitting a few points of the party platform, from raising state wages to providing free health care and tackling the country’s rampant corruption.
Having ditched his usual suits for the day for the standard CNRP
emblazoned shirt and baseball cap, Mr. Rainsy occasionally stopped along
the way for a brisk walk among the roadside stalls and a quick
handshake with vendors and shoppers.
Lim Rany, a longtime opposition supporter who runs a clothing stall at Ang Tasom market, was thrilled to see Mr. Rainsy back in Cambodia.
“I’m so excited; he has a great way of talking,” said Ms. Rany, who
expected the opposition to gain votes in the province this year.
“Society is so corrupt now, so the people realize it and they wake up,” she said.
Mr. Rainsy is set to continue his seven-day tour Sunday with stops in Kep, Kampot and Preah Sihanouk provinces.
Hun Many Calls on Youth to Unite Against Change
By Khuon Narim and Colin Meyn - July 22, 2013
Speaking to a crowd of more than 10,000 CPP youth supporters on
Sunday, Prime Minister Hun Sen’s son Hun Many called for those in the
audience to unite against calls for a change in government, warning that
a ruling party loss in Sunday’s national election would cause
instability and chaos.
Echoing speeches made by his father in the months leading up to the
July 28 poll, Mr. Many warned in his short, scripted speech of the
destruction of the current social order should the CPP lose its grip on
power.
Hun Many, center, the youngest son of Prime Minister Hun Sen and a first-time CPP candidate for the National Assembly, leads a rally of about 10,000 CPP youth supporters through Phnom Penh on Sunday. (Siv Channa)
“On behalf of the youth of the Cambodian People’s Party, we need to
maintain a clear political stand to gather together to protect the
achievements of the Cambodian People’s Party…. In particular, we must
protect the tree of peace that has been so fruitful for all of us,” he
said.
“If we are careless and lack consideration and there is not a strong
political will to protect this prosperity, it can be lost immediately
and the whole nation will fall into instability and society will be
beset by chaos,” Mr. Many warned.
Mr. Many, 30, the youngest of Mr. Hun Sen’s three sons, is the head of the Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia, a CPP youth wing, and a first-time candidate for Parliament in Kompong Speu province.
As has been his standard practice prior to national elections, Mr.
Hun Sen is currently observing a one month vow of silence ahead of the
poll, in which his ruling CPP is largely expected to win its fourth
mandate to rule the country.
Seemingly referencing the hordes of young Cambodia National Rescue
Party (CNRP) supporters who, over the past three weeks, have taken to
the city’s streets by the thousands calling for change, which is
pronounced “b’do” in Khmer, Mr. Many told the assembled youth not to be
swayed.
“There is an atmosphere created by some political parties that have
tried to ignore all of these achievements [of the CPP] and have launched
a campaign to attack the CPP with unjust and irresponsible verbal and
political slogans,” he said.
Mr. Many said that the CPP must remain clean in its own campaigning.
“We have to use professional campaign tactics, remain gentle,
dignified, clever and brave in convincing the public and people of all
generations to believe more strongly in the CPP and vote for the CPP
because only the CPP has the ability to remain responsible, keep peace
and maintain development,” he said.
Standing behind Mr. Many, whose head and eyebrows were shaved in honor of his grandfather, Hun Neang, who passed away on July 12, were the CPP’s leading candidates for the National Assembly in Phnom Penh, a high-powered group that included Finance Minister Keat Chhon, Social Affairs Minister Ith Sam Heng, Women’s Affairs Minister Ing Kantha Phavi and Kep Chuktema, who stepped down in May as Phnom Penh’s governor.
With thousands of the CPP youth supporters lined up on their
motorbikes in the roads and parking lots on the north end of Koh Pich, a
few hundred youth were marched toward the stage prior to Mr. Many’s
speech, throughout which they waved bright blue flags bearing the CPP
logo.
Compared to Friday’s opposition rally in which CNRP President Sam
Rainsy was met by an estimated 100,000 supporters who, seemingly with
little coordination, turned out to meet the self-exiled opposition
leader, Sunday’s CPP rally was a highly orchestrated affair.
Although those in attendance were unanimous in their support for the ruling party, their visions for the future of the CPP was more varied.
Kim Sarun, 22, said he would like to see Mr. Many take over the reins from Mr. Hun Sen when he steps down as prime minister.
“Hun Many is good because he serves the people and like his father,
he would continue to develop infrastructure and improve the country,” he
said.
Tan Chenda, 26, a university student studying finance, said that he hoped the CPP, led by Mr. Hun Sen, would continue to develop the country with a focus on bridges and big buildings.
“They have a good economic plan because it has led to more investment
in Cambodia and helped people find jobs when they graduate,” he said.
However, a number of students in the audience said that as youth take a more central role in the CPP’s campaigns, a changing of the guard at the top of the party may also be in order.
“The CPP has helped people lead a good daily life,” said Num Vutha,
20, a student at Chaktomuk High School, who was vigorously waving a
Cambodian flag at Sunday’s rally. “But I want to see a change in leaders
because in the U.S., they always change leaders. Maybe they [new
leaders] could improve schools and develop the country faster,” he said.
One of the CPP members helping organize the event, who gave his name
only as Di and said he worked for the Phnom Penh municipality, said that
he hoped a new generation of CPP leaders would breathe new life into a
party that has been controlled by the same men for more than three
decades.
“Some CPP youth have studied oversees and they have new ideas and new opinions. The knowledge of CPP officers from 1979 has not improved until now,” he said.
“I think the CPP youth are the new power in the party. Maybe we will have change in the CPP in the future, but the future is not now.”
បទវិភាគ៖ ល្បិចសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បរាជ័យ
ដោយ តាំង សារ៉ាដា (Radio Free Asia/22/07/2013)
លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ហ៊ុន សែនធ្លាប់មានប្រសាសន៍ថា
លោកប្រើលិ្បចយុទ្ធសាស្រ្ត តាមបែបសាមកុករបស់ចិន
ក្នុងការបំបែកបំបាក់គូប្រកួត។ លោកអួតអាងថា ដោយប្រើល្បិចចិននេះ
លោកបានទទួលជោគជ័យ ក្នុងការបំផ្លាញគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច
(Funcinpec) អោយខ្ទេចខ្ទី។
ចំណែកលោក សម រង្ស៊ី ដែលជាមេបក្សប្រឆាំងដ៏ធំនាពេលនេះវិញ
ក៏លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ប្រកាសថា
លោកបានខ្ចីដៃប្រើដើម្បីបន្ថយអំណាចតថ្លៃរបស់គណបក្ស
ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច និងដើម្បីជួយលោក និងគណបក្សលោក
អោយអាចជិះសេះលែងដៃបានក្នុងកិច្ចការសភា
និងកិច្ចការដឹកនាំរដ្ឋាភិបាលដែរ។
តើយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រសាមកុកចិននេះ អាចជួយអោយលោក ហ៊ុន សែន
បំផ្លាញអ្នកនយោបាយខ្មែរបានដោយជោគជ័យជានិច្ច ឬក៏តម្រិះនេះ
អាចជិះកឯងវិញនៅថ្ងៃណាមួយ?
លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ហ៊ុន សែន
មិនគ្រាន់តែទទួលរងឥទ្ធិពលរបស់ចិននាសម័យបច្ចុប្បន្ននេះទេ
លោកសារភាពថា
លោកក៏បានប្រើល្បិចយុទ្ធសាស្រ្តពីបុរុមបុរាណរបស់ចិន
ក្នុងការកំទេចក្រុមអ្នកនយោបាយណាដែលប្រឆាំងនឹងលោកដែរ។
នោះគឺល្បិចក្នុងសង្គ្រាមសាមកុក ដែលភាគច្រើនជាល្បិចបំបែកបំបាក់
បំផ្លាញកំទេច និងទិញទឹកចិត្ត
ដើម្បីគ្រប់គ្រងទៅលើក្រុមមន្រ្តីបក្សជំទាស់។
យោងតាមប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រប្រទេសចិន នៅអំឡុងឆ្នាំ ១៨៤ ដល់ ២៨០
នៃរាជ្ជកាលស្តេចហាន ក្រុមស្តេចចិន និងមេទ័ពចិន
បានប្រើល្បិចគ្រប់លទ្ធភាពដែលអាចធ្វើទៅបានក្នុងការធ្វើ
ចុម្បាំង ដើម្បីដណ្តើមទឹកដីគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមក។
លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្លាប់បានសារភាពថា
លោកជាអ្នកបំផ្លាញគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច
ដែលធ្លាប់ជាបក្សកាន់អំណាចឲ្យទៅជាចម្រៀកៗ
នៅមុនការធ្វើរដ្ឋប្រហារបង្ហូរឈាមមួយ កាលពីដើមខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ
១៩៩៧។ មិនតែប៉ុណ្ណោះលោក ហ៊ុន សែន
ក៏ធ្លាប់គំរាមជាសាធារណៈដែរថា ជនណាក៏ដោយ បក្សណាក៏ដោយ
ដែលហ៊ានលូកដៃចូលក្នុងកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជននោះ
នឹងមានវាសនាដូចគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចជាមិនខាន៖
«ខ្ញុំនិយាយ អំពីរឿងហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចចុះ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចខ្ញុំទទួលស្គាល់។ មូលហេតុអីដែលខ្ញុំធ្វើ ដោយសារហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ពូកែលូកដៃចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនច្រើនពេក។ អ៊ីចឹង ខែមេសា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ ខ្ញុំបានធ្វើឲ្យហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចមួយទៅជា ១១ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ហើយតាំងពីហ្នឹងមក ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច បានចុះខ្សោយ។ បើសិនពេលនោះ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចមិនលូកដៃចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជន ខ្ញុំនឹងមិនធ្វើហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចទេ។ ប៉ុន្តែពេលនេះ ខ្ញុំបញ្ជាក់ថា អ្នកណាក៏ដោយ បក្សណាក៏ដោយ បើហ៊ានលូកដៃចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជន អ្នកឯងនឹងមិនបានសុខទេ។ ខ្ញុំនឹងចូលទៅដល់ជម្រកចុងក្រោយរបស់អ្នកឯងតែម្តង»។
«ខ្ញុំនិយាយ អំពីរឿងហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចចុះ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចខ្ញុំទទួលស្គាល់។ មូលហេតុអីដែលខ្ញុំធ្វើ ដោយសារហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ពូកែលូកដៃចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនច្រើនពេក។ អ៊ីចឹង ខែមេសា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ ខ្ញុំបានធ្វើឲ្យហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចមួយទៅជា ១១ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច ហើយតាំងពីហ្នឹងមក ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច បានចុះខ្សោយ។ បើសិនពេលនោះ ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចមិនលូកដៃចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជន ខ្ញុំនឹងមិនធ្វើហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចទេ។ ប៉ុន្តែពេលនេះ ខ្ញុំបញ្ជាក់ថា អ្នកណាក៏ដោយ បក្សណាក៏ដោយ បើហ៊ានលូកដៃចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជន អ្នកឯងនឹងមិនបានសុខទេ។ ខ្ញុំនឹងចូលទៅដល់ជម្រកចុងក្រោយរបស់អ្នកឯងតែម្តង»។
កំទេចគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច អោយហិនហោចប៉ុណ្ណឹងហើយ ក៏លោក ហ៊ុន
សែន នៅមិនទាន់អស់ចិត្តទៀត។ លោកត្រូវបំផ្លាញមេគណបក្សនេះទៀត
គឺព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ។ នៅឆ្នាំ២០០៧ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន
ត្រូវគេឯងដឹងថា អាចជាអ្នកនៅពីក្រោយ
នៃការបង្កើតច្បាប់ឯកពន្ធភាព ដែលគេហៅថា
ច្បាប់ដាក់ទោសអ្នកមានប្រពន្ធពីរ។
ច្បាប់នេះទំនងមានគោលបំណងតែមួយគត់ក្នុងការឆ្ពោះទៅរកការដាក់
ទោសព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ ដោយសារមានមហេសីដល់ទៅពីរ។
នៅពេលនោះ អ្នកម្នាង ម៉ារី រណឫទ្ធិ
បានដាក់ពាក្យបណ្តឹងប្តឹងព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ
ពីបទមានមហេសីពីរ ហើយលោក ហ៊ុន សែន
អាចជាអ្នកបញ្ឆេះឲ្យមន្រ្តីគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច
ជាន់ខ្ពស់ផ្សេងៗទៀតប្តឹងព្រះអង្គពីបទលួចលក់ទីស្នាក់ការគណបក្ស
ក្នុងតំលៃ ៣.៦លានដុល្លារថែមទៀត។ ពេលនោះ
តុលាការរាជធានីភ្នំពេញបាន កាត់ទោសព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ
អោយជាប់ពន្ធនាគារចំនួន ១៨ខែ។
ដើម្បគេចផុតពីការជាប់ពន្ធនាគារ ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ
នៅគ្រានោះបានភៀសព្រះកាយទៅកាន់ប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ី
រស់នៅជាមួយស្រីក្មេងថ្មីរបស់ព្រះអង្គ។ ល្បិចបុរាណចិន
ក្នុងការបំបែកបំបាក់ត្រង់ចំណុចនេះ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន
ទំនងជាលេងបានយ៉ាងល្អ។ គោលបំណងនៃល្បិចសាមកុក របស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន
ដែលលោកបានរចនាក្បួនពេលនោះ គឺដើម្បីបំផ្លាញ
និងលុបឈ្មោះព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ
ចេញពីបញ្ជីនយោយបាយតែម្តង។
នៅឆ្នាំ២០០៨ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន
ទទួលជោគជ័យធំទៅតាមបំណងប្រាថ្នារបស់លោកមែន គឺព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់
នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ បានសម្រេចចិត្តឈប់ធ្វើនយោបាយ
គឺលាចាកពីប្រធានគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច។
ចំពោះករណីរបស់ប្រធានគណបក្សជំទាស់វិញ
ក៏ស្រដៀងករណីរបស់សម្តេចក្រុមព្រះ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ ដែរ។
នៅឆ្នាំ២០០៥ លោក សម រង្ស៊ី បាននិរទេសខ្លួនចេញពីកម្ពុជា
ក្រោយពីរដ្ឋសភាបានដកអភ័យឯកសិទ្ធតំណាងរាស្រ្តរបស់លោក
ដោយសារលោកបានចោទប្រកាន់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា
និងគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច
ថាមានអំពើពុករលួយក្នុងការបង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាលចម្រុះ ហើយបានចោទលោក
ហ៊ុន សែន ថាជាអ្នកនៅពីក្រោយនៃការសម្លាប់លោក ជា វិជ្ជា
ប្រធានសហជីពសេរីកម្មករ។ ពេលនោះ តុលាការកម្ពុជាបានកាត់ទោសឲ្យលោក
សម រង្ស៊ី ជាប់គុក ១៨ខែ។
នៅដើមខែកុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ២០០៦ លោក សម រង្ស៊ី
បានវិលត្រឡប់ចូលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញ ដោយសារលោកបានដកបណ្តឹង
ឈប់ប្តឹងលោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅតុលាការក្រុងញូវយ៉ក សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក
ពីបទគប់គ្រាប់បែកមុខរដ្ឋសភា កាលពីឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ ហើយពេលនោះ លោក
សម រង្ស៊ី បានសរសេរលិខិតមួយសុំទោសលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ហ៊ុន សែន
ថាលោកខុសហើយ មិនសមធ្វើដូច្នេះទេ។ ក្រោយមកបន្តិច
លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន
បានស្នើឲ្យព្រះមហាក្សត្រលើកលែងទោសឲ្យលោក សម រង្ស៊ី
ចូលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញ។
នៅក្នុងខ្សែអាត់សំឡេងរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន
ដែលបែកធ្លាយតាមបណ្តាញទំនាក់ទំនងសង្គមហ្វេសប៊ុក (Facebook)
កាលពីដើមខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ ២០១៣ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន និយាយក្តែងៗថា
ការអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យលោក សម រង្ស៊ី
វិលចូលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញកាលពីឆ្នាំ២០០៦ នោះ
គឺលោកជាអ្នកធ្វើអន្តរាគមន៍ ដោយសារពេលនោះ លោកចង់ខ្ចីដៃលោក សម
រង្ស៊ី ដើម្បីកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញពីរូបមន្តពីរភាគបី
ក្នុងការបង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាល មករូបមន្ត ៥០ភាគរយបូកមួយវិញ
ដើម្បីបន្ថយអំណាចតថ្លៃរបស់គណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច
ដែលស្ថិតក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាលចម្រុះជាមួយគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា៖
«លើក មុនតុលាការកាត់ឲ្យជាប់គុក ខ្ញុំជាអ្នកអន្តរាគមន៍ឲ្យចូលមកវិញ តែមិនមែនអត់ប្រយោជន៍ទេ គឺមកដើម្បីប្រើដៃសម រង្ស៊ី ជួយរំដោះខ្លួនពី រណឫទ្ធិ បានសេចក្តីថា មកជួយកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ បានខ្ញុំឲ្យមក។ និយាយឲ្យច្បាស់ត្រង់ៗជាមួយគ្នា។ អ្នកដែលលើកអំណាចថ្វាយគណបក្សប្រជាជន ចុងក្រោយបំផុត គឺ សម រង្ស៊ី នេះឯង បើ សម រង្ស៊ី ទុកពីរភាគបី រណឫទ្ធិ នៅតែសង្កត់ក្បាលយើងងាប់។ អ៊ីចឹងតម្រូវការពេលនោះ យក សម រង្ស៊ី ចូលស្រុកសុំការលើកលែងទោសឲ្យ ដើម្បីជួយកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញទេ។ ដំណាក់កាលមួយ ប្រើដៃ រណឫទ្ធិ កំចាត់សម រង្ស៊ី សិន ពីព្រោះ ប៉ាប៉ា យើងស្នើរូបមន្តបីភាគី ឯគណបក្សយើងតែពីរភាគី។ ថ្ងៃទី៥ ខែវិច្ឆិកា ចេញអាបីភាគី ហើយថ្ងៃទី៦ វិច្ឆិកា ចេញលទ្ធផលពិត និងលទ្ធផលមិនពិត វាទាត់ប្រឡែងដូចបាល់អ៊ីចឹង។ ប៉ុន្តែចុងបញ្ចប់ គេយក រណឫទ្ធិ បង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាលទ្វេភាគី ហើយដាក់ សម រង្ស៊ី ឲ្យនៅក្រៅ។ រួចហើយទាញយកដៃ សម រង្ស៊ី មកកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ ដើម្បីបន្ថយអំណាចតថ្លៃរបស់ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច។ អាហ្នឹងនិយាយឲ្យក្បួនអស់ខ្នាត តិចទៅចុះ។ ប៉ុន្តែបើសិនអ្នកឯងអត់ចេះលេងល្បែងសាមកុក កុំទាន់អាលលេងជាមួយ ហ៊ុន សែន។ ពេលខ្លះ ខុង ម៉ីង មិនទាន់ធ្វើ ស៊ឺម៉ាអ៊ី មិនទាន់ធ្វើត្រូវ ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្វើនៅសតវត្សទី ២១ ឯណេះវិញទេ ពីព្រោះកាលនោះ ចាប់ផ្តើមឡើងគេវ៉ៃគ្នាទេ ល្បិចវ៉ៃគ្នាទេ។ តែនេះជាល្បិចក្នុងល្បិចនៃការយកប្រៀបនៅក្នុងល្បែងប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ »។
«លើក មុនតុលាការកាត់ឲ្យជាប់គុក ខ្ញុំជាអ្នកអន្តរាគមន៍ឲ្យចូលមកវិញ តែមិនមែនអត់ប្រយោជន៍ទេ គឺមកដើម្បីប្រើដៃសម រង្ស៊ី ជួយរំដោះខ្លួនពី រណឫទ្ធិ បានសេចក្តីថា មកជួយកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ បានខ្ញុំឲ្យមក។ និយាយឲ្យច្បាស់ត្រង់ៗជាមួយគ្នា។ អ្នកដែលលើកអំណាចថ្វាយគណបក្សប្រជាជន ចុងក្រោយបំផុត គឺ សម រង្ស៊ី នេះឯង បើ សម រង្ស៊ី ទុកពីរភាគបី រណឫទ្ធិ នៅតែសង្កត់ក្បាលយើងងាប់។ អ៊ីចឹងតម្រូវការពេលនោះ យក សម រង្ស៊ី ចូលស្រុកសុំការលើកលែងទោសឲ្យ ដើម្បីជួយកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញទេ។ ដំណាក់កាលមួយ ប្រើដៃ រណឫទ្ធិ កំចាត់សម រង្ស៊ី សិន ពីព្រោះ ប៉ាប៉ា យើងស្នើរូបមន្តបីភាគី ឯគណបក្សយើងតែពីរភាគី។ ថ្ងៃទី៥ ខែវិច្ឆិកា ចេញអាបីភាគី ហើយថ្ងៃទី៦ វិច្ឆិកា ចេញលទ្ធផលពិត និងលទ្ធផលមិនពិត វាទាត់ប្រឡែងដូចបាល់អ៊ីចឹង។ ប៉ុន្តែចុងបញ្ចប់ គេយក រណឫទ្ធិ បង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាលទ្វេភាគី ហើយដាក់ សម រង្ស៊ី ឲ្យនៅក្រៅ។ រួចហើយទាញយកដៃ សម រង្ស៊ី មកកែរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ ដើម្បីបន្ថយអំណាចតថ្លៃរបស់ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច។ អាហ្នឹងនិយាយឲ្យក្បួនអស់ខ្នាត តិចទៅចុះ។ ប៉ុន្តែបើសិនអ្នកឯងអត់ចេះលេងល្បែងសាមកុក កុំទាន់អាលលេងជាមួយ ហ៊ុន សែន។ ពេលខ្លះ ខុង ម៉ីង មិនទាន់ធ្វើ ស៊ឺម៉ាអ៊ី មិនទាន់ធ្វើត្រូវ ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្វើនៅសតវត្សទី ២១ ឯណេះវិញទេ ពីព្រោះកាលនោះ ចាប់ផ្តើមឡើងគេវ៉ៃគ្នាទេ ល្បិចវ៉ៃគ្នាទេ។ តែនេះជាល្បិចក្នុងល្បិចនៃការយកប្រៀបនៅក្នុងល្បែងប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ »។
រូបមន្តពីរភាគបី
ជារូបមន្តដែលបង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាលចម្រុះជាមួយគណបក្សផ្សេង
ដែលមានអសនៈក្នុងរដ្ឋសភា ហើយរូបមន្ត ៥០ភាគរយបូកមួយ ជារូបមន្ត
ដែលគណបក្សមានអសនៈច្រើនជាងគេក្នុងរដ្ឋសភាអាចបង្កើតរដ្ឋាភិបាល
ខ្លួនឯងបានដោយមិនចាំបាច់មានការចូលរួមពីបក្សផ្សេង។
ដូច្នេះល្បែងនយោបាយតាមក្បួនសាមកុក ហាក់ត្រូវបានលោក ហ៊ុន សែន
យកមកលេងយ៉ាងមានប្រសិទ្ធភាពជាបន្តបន្ទាប់
ដើម្បីធ្វើឲ្យក្រុមប្រឆាំងចុះទន់ខ្សោយ។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ
តើក្បួនសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១៣ នេះ
អាចធ្វើអោយលោកមានជ័យជំនះទៀត ឬនេះជាចំណេះជិះកឯង
ដែលនាំអោយលោកទទួលបរាជ័យនៅចុងបញ្ចប់ទៅវិញ?
លោក ហ៊ុន សែន
ធ្លាប់ស្រែកប្រកាសនៅចំពោះមុខក្រុមមន្រ្តីគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាថា
គ្មានផ្លូវណា
ដែលបើកឲ្យមេបក្សប្រឆាំងចូលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញនោះទេ។
ប៉ុន្តែឥឡូវ លោក សម រង្ស៊ី កំពុងមានវត្តមាននៅកម្ពុជា
ទំនងជាដោយសារសម្ពាធរបស់ប្រទេសមហាអំណាច
ហើយសម្ពាធនេះបានបង្ខំឲ្យលោក ហ៊ុន សែន ត្រូវតែបើកផ្លូវឲ្យលោក
សម រង្ស៊ី ចូលស្រុកវិញ។
ក្បួនសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ពេលនេះ ប្រហែលជាបែងខុសក្រឡាបន្តិច។ ក្បួននេះអាចលេងជោគជ័យទៅបាន ប្រសិនបើពិភពលោកនេះ បិទជិតហើយគ្មានការឃ្លាំមើលរបស់អន្តរជាតិ។ ប៉ុន្តែក្នុងសតវត្សទី២១ ដូច្នេះអ្វីៗ កាន់តែបើកចំហរ ដោយសារប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយ ប្រព័ន្ធទំនាក់ទំនងសង្គម ប្រព័ន្ធអ៊ីនធឺណែត សម្ពាធរបស់មហាជន និងសម្ពាធរបស់បណ្តាប្រទេសមហាអំណាច ដែលសេដ្ឋកិច្ចកម្ពុជាត្រូវការពឹងពាក់បណ្តាប្រទេសទាំងនោះដែរ។
បរាជ័យ ក្បាច់សាមកុក គឺជាបរាជ័យដ៏ធំបំផុតរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដោយសារសម្ពាធរបស់មហាអំណាចអាមេរិក ដែលនឹងមិនទទួលស្គាល់រដ្ឋាភិបាលក្រោយការបោះឆ្នោត ប្រសិនបើគ្មានមេបក្សប្រឆាំងចូលរួមការបោះឆ្នោត។ ទីពីរ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ទំនងអាចខ្លាចប្រឡាក់ឈ្មោះក្នុងបញ្ជីខ្មៅរបស់អាមេរិក ដែលតំណាងរាស្រ្តសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក គំរាមដាក់រូបលោកក្នុងបញ្ជីឈ្មោះនៃក្រុមមេដឹកនាំអាក្រក់បំផុត លើពិភពលោក។
លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ក៏ទំនងជាខ្លាចសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ប្រមូលកៀរគរប្រទេសជាមិត្តរបស់អាមេរិកទាំងអស់ អោយកាត់ផ្តាច់ជំនួយសេដ្ឋកិច្ច និងកាត់បន្ថយទំនាក់ទំនងជាមួយកម្ពុជា។ ទណ្ឌកម្មសេដ្ឋកិច្ចរបស់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក និងសហភាពអឺរ៉ុបមកលើកម្ពុជា អាចជាការបញ្ឈប់មិនអោយប្រទេសកម្ពុជា នាំផលិតផលសម្លៀកបំពាក់កាត់ដេរចូលក្នុងប្រទេសរបស់ពួកគេ។ ពេលនោះ កម្មករប្រមាណ ៧០ម៉ឺននាក់នៅកម្ពុជា នឹងអត់ការងារធ្វើ។ គួបផ្សំនឹងយុវជនកំពុងអត់ការងារធ្វើស្រាប់រាប់ម៉ឺននាក់ផងនោះ កម្ពុជាអាចនឹងកើតមានភាពចលាចលសង្គម។ នោះហើយ ទំនងជាក្តីបារម្ភធំមួយរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន និងទីបី ការបង្រួបបង្រួមនៃគណបក្សប្រឆាំងទាំងពីរ អោយទៅជាគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិនេះ បានធ្វើអោយកំលាំងប្រឆាំងកាន់តែមានអនុភាព និងមានសន្ទុះកាន់តែខ្លាំង។
ក្បួនសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ពេលនេះ ប្រហែលជាបែងខុសក្រឡាបន្តិច។ ក្បួននេះអាចលេងជោគជ័យទៅបាន ប្រសិនបើពិភពលោកនេះ បិទជិតហើយគ្មានការឃ្លាំមើលរបស់អន្តរជាតិ។ ប៉ុន្តែក្នុងសតវត្សទី២១ ដូច្នេះអ្វីៗ កាន់តែបើកចំហរ ដោយសារប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយ ប្រព័ន្ធទំនាក់ទំនងសង្គម ប្រព័ន្ធអ៊ីនធឺណែត សម្ពាធរបស់មហាជន និងសម្ពាធរបស់បណ្តាប្រទេសមហាអំណាច ដែលសេដ្ឋកិច្ចកម្ពុជាត្រូវការពឹងពាក់បណ្តាប្រទេសទាំងនោះដែរ។
បរាជ័យ ក្បាច់សាមកុក គឺជាបរាជ័យដ៏ធំបំផុតរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដោយសារសម្ពាធរបស់មហាអំណាចអាមេរិក ដែលនឹងមិនទទួលស្គាល់រដ្ឋាភិបាលក្រោយការបោះឆ្នោត ប្រសិនបើគ្មានមេបក្សប្រឆាំងចូលរួមការបោះឆ្នោត។ ទីពីរ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ទំនងអាចខ្លាចប្រឡាក់ឈ្មោះក្នុងបញ្ជីខ្មៅរបស់អាមេរិក ដែលតំណាងរាស្រ្តសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក គំរាមដាក់រូបលោកក្នុងបញ្ជីឈ្មោះនៃក្រុមមេដឹកនាំអាក្រក់បំផុត លើពិភពលោក។
លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ក៏ទំនងជាខ្លាចសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ប្រមូលកៀរគរប្រទេសជាមិត្តរបស់អាមេរិកទាំងអស់ អោយកាត់ផ្តាច់ជំនួយសេដ្ឋកិច្ច និងកាត់បន្ថយទំនាក់ទំនងជាមួយកម្ពុជា។ ទណ្ឌកម្មសេដ្ឋកិច្ចរបស់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក និងសហភាពអឺរ៉ុបមកលើកម្ពុជា អាចជាការបញ្ឈប់មិនអោយប្រទេសកម្ពុជា នាំផលិតផលសម្លៀកបំពាក់កាត់ដេរចូលក្នុងប្រទេសរបស់ពួកគេ។ ពេលនោះ កម្មករប្រមាណ ៧០ម៉ឺននាក់នៅកម្ពុជា នឹងអត់ការងារធ្វើ។ គួបផ្សំនឹងយុវជនកំពុងអត់ការងារធ្វើស្រាប់រាប់ម៉ឺននាក់ផងនោះ កម្ពុជាអាចនឹងកើតមានភាពចលាចលសង្គម។ នោះហើយ ទំនងជាក្តីបារម្ភធំមួយរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន និងទីបី ការបង្រួបបង្រួមនៃគណបក្សប្រឆាំងទាំងពីរ អោយទៅជាគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិនេះ បានធ្វើអោយកំលាំងប្រឆាំងកាន់តែមានអនុភាព និងមានសន្ទុះកាន់តែខ្លាំង។
ម៉្យាងទៀត លោក កឹម សុខា បានអះអាងម្តងហើយម្តងទៀតថា
មន្រ្តីគណបក្សប្រឆាំងដែលនៅសេសសល់ពេលនេះ
សុទ្ធតែជាមន្រ្តីដែលលែងចុះញ៉មតាមការអូសទាញ
តាមល្បិចបុរាណចិនរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ទៀតហើយ៖ «យើងខ្ញុំស៊ូ
ប៉ុណ្ណឹងហើយ រឿងអីចុងក្រោយយើងខ្ញុំទៅធ្វើអំពើថោកទាប
ដូចអ្នកនយោបាយខ្លះ។ យើងខ្ញុំមិនអាចធ្វើបានទេ យើងខ្ញុំបញ្ជាក់
ហើយគឺទិញមិនលក់ សម្លុតមិនខ្លាច
ពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងថ្នាក់មន្រ្តីបន្ទាប់ៗ។
ខ្ញុំឃើញថាអស់លោកទាំងហ្នឹងមានមេរៀនច្រើនហើយ។
អ្នកដែលទៅហ្នឹង គេយកទៅទុកឯណា គឺទុកនៅធុងសំរាម។
គេមិនដែលប្រើឲ្យធ្វើអីផង ហើយបើគេប្រើ
គឺប្រើគ្រាន់តែឲ្យមកជេរ មកបញ្ចោរ មកបង្កាច់
មកបង្ខូចអ្នកដែលដឹកនាំពីមុនមកតែប៉ុណ្ណឹង។ ដូច្នេះហើយ
វាអត់មានតំលៃ។ គូប្រកួតរបស់យើងដែលគេដឹងខ្លួន គេភ័យខ្លួនថា
ចាញ់គេអត់មានធម៌សូត្រទៀត អ៊ីចឹងហើយគេចេះតែឆ្កឹះឆ្កៀល
គេចេះតែបង្កើតពាក្យចចាមអារ៉ាម ថាយើងអ៊ីចេះ យើងអ៊ីចុះ។
ប៉ុន្តែមេរៀននេះដដែលៗទេ អត់មកបំបែក សម រង្ស៊ី កឹម សុខា
បានទេ ទិញមិនលក់ សម្លុតមិនខ្លាច
ដូច្នេះហើយឲ្យច្បាស់ត្រង់ហ្នឹង»។
ប្រសិនបើទ្រឹស្តី «ទិញមិនលក់ សម្លុតមិនខ្លាច» ដែលលោក កឹម សុខា អះអាងនេះ ជាអ្វីដែលលោក និងសមាជិកគណបក្សរបស់លោកប្រកាន់យកដោយខ្ជាប់ខ្ជួននោះ ល្បិចបុរាណចិនសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នឹងទទួលបរាជ័យ ហើយចំណេះនេះនឹងជិះកឯងវិញជាមិនខាន៕
ប្រសិនបើទ្រឹស្តី «ទិញមិនលក់ សម្លុតមិនខ្លាច» ដែលលោក កឹម សុខា អះអាងនេះ ជាអ្វីដែលលោក និងសមាជិកគណបក្សរបស់លោកប្រកាន់យកដោយខ្ជាប់ខ្ជួននោះ ល្បិចបុរាណចិនសាមកុករបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នឹងទទួលបរាជ័យ ហើយចំណេះនេះនឹងជិះកឯងវិញជាមិនខាន៕
Sunday, 21 July 2013
THAILAND: University apologises for Hitler banner
Associated Press20 July 2013 Issue No:281
Thailand's premier university has apologised for displaying a billboard that showed Adolf Hitler alongside Superman and other superheroes, saying last week that it was painted by ignorant students who did not realise Hitler's image would offend anyone, writes Jocelyn Gecker for Associated Press.
The huge billboard was placed outside the art faculty of Chulalongkorn University as part of a tribute to this year's graduating class. It said “Congratulations” in bold white letters and showed Hitler with his arm raised in a Nazi salute next to Batman, Captain America, the Incredible Hulk and Iron Man.
“(We) would like to formally express our sincere apology for our students' 'Superhero' mural," art school Dean Suppakorn Disatapundhu said in a statement. The billboard was up for two days before being removed last weekend in response to criticism. Online photographs showed graduating students in their robes, mimicking Hitler's raised arm salute.
The huge billboard was placed outside the art faculty of Chulalongkorn University as part of a tribute to this year's graduating class. It said “Congratulations” in bold white letters and showed Hitler with his arm raised in a Nazi salute next to Batman, Captain America, the Incredible Hulk and Iron Man.
“(We) would like to formally express our sincere apology for our students' 'Superhero' mural," art school Dean Suppakorn Disatapundhu said in a statement. The billboard was up for two days before being removed last weekend in response to criticism. Online photographs showed graduating students in their robes, mimicking Hitler's raised arm salute.
Thailand's premier university has apologized for displaying a billboard
that showed Adolf Hitler alongside Superman and other superheroes,
saying Monday it was painted by ignorant students who didn't realize
Hitler's image would offend anyone.
The huge billboard was placed outside the art faculty of Chulalongkorn
University as part of a tribute to this year's graduating class.
It said "Congratulations" in bold white letters and showed Hitler with
his arm raised in a Nazi salute next to Batman, Captain America, the
Incredible Hulk and Iron Man.
"(We) would like to formally express our sincere apology for our
students' 'Superhero' mural," art school dean Suppakorn Disatapundhu
said in a statement issued Monday. "I can assure you we are taking this
matter very seriously."
The billboard was up for two days before being removed Saturday in
response to criticism. Online photographs showed graduating students in
their robes, mimicking Hitler's raised arm salute.
Suppakorn said that freshman art students had painted the banner as part
of a traditional send-off from incoming students to the graduating
class, and it was one of dozens of banners and billboards across the
campus during the university's commencement period.
The artistic vision behind the picture was to show that good and bad
people co-exist in the world, Suppakorn said after summoning the
students for an explanation.
"They told me the concept was to paint a picture of superheroes who protect the world," the dean said in a telephone interview.
"Hitler was supposed to serve as a conceptual paradox to the
superheroes," he said, noting that the superheroes were painted in vivid
colors, while Hitler's image was in grey scale. "This kind of
thoughtless display will not happen again."
The Simon Wiesenthal Center, an international Jewish human rights group, had criticized the banner prior to its removal.
"Hitler as a superhero? Is he an appropriate role model for Thailand's
younger generation — a genocidal hate monger who mass murdered Jews and
Gypsies and who considered people of color as racially inferior," Rabbi
Abraham Cooper, associate dean at the center, said in a statement
Friday. "The Simon Wiesenthal Center is outraged and disgusted by this
public display at Thailand's leading school of higher education."
The study of history in the Thai school system revolves primarily around
the history of Thailand and its long line of kings. World history is
glossed over, with little or no mention of the Holocaust.
HONG KONG: More students chase university places
South China Morning Post20 July 2013 Issue No:281
Competition for university places is tougher this year than last, as
more secondary school students have achieved the minimum requirements
for admission in the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education – HKDSE –
exam, writes Johnny Tam for the South China Morning Post.
Statistics released last week by the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority showed that of 82,283 students who took HKDSE exams this year, 28,418 obtained the minimum score for about 15,000 government-subsidised first-year university degree places through the joint admission system. That represents a 7% increase from the 26,552 last year, and means that more than 13,000 students will have to pay more for full-fee private courses, opt for sub-degree programmes or look elsewhere.
The number of candidates from outside the school system also increased by 736%, from 1,329 last year to 11,115 this year, as some students from the first HKDSE exam re-sat it this year and some from the previous Advanced Level Examination might have taken the new syllabus. The diploma exam was held for the second time since so-called 3+3+4 education reforms came into full effect. Secondary school education was cut from seven to six years and standard university degree courses lengthened from three to four years.
Statistics released last week by the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority showed that of 82,283 students who took HKDSE exams this year, 28,418 obtained the minimum score for about 15,000 government-subsidised first-year university degree places through the joint admission system. That represents a 7% increase from the 26,552 last year, and means that more than 13,000 students will have to pay more for full-fee private courses, opt for sub-degree programmes or look elsewhere.
The number of candidates from outside the school system also increased by 736%, from 1,329 last year to 11,115 this year, as some students from the first HKDSE exam re-sat it this year and some from the previous Advanced Level Examination might have taken the new syllabus. The diploma exam was held for the second time since so-called 3+3+4 education reforms came into full effect. Secondary school education was cut from seven to six years and standard university degree courses lengthened from three to four years.
MYANMAR: Suu Kyi to help ‘political’ students barred from HE
Naw Say Phaw Waa20 July 2013 Issue No:281
Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has taken up the case of
former political prisoners released under presidential amnesties in 2011
and 2012, who have still not been able to secure government permission
to resume university studies. A number of political prisoners were
students at the time they were jailed.
Suu Kyi told a group of released political prisoners, who have been lobbying for the right to continue their studies where they had left off, that she would bring the case before parliament and the Ministry of Education.
She met them at the margins of a high-level conference on higher education attended by ministers, parliamentarians and foreign education bodies and held on 29-30 June in the Myanmar capital Naypyidaw.
Some 15 students from Yangon have not been able to study since they were released under President Thein Sein’s amnesties. Most of them were detained during and after the 2007 ‘Saffron Revolution’ – a pro-democracy uprising led by saffron-robed monks.
According to university authorities, if students are away from university for more than four years they will be excluded. For former political prisoners, the only option is to begin their degrees again via distance learning.
But all the students had already completed one or more years of university education. Some were already in their final year at the time of detention. The next university year will start in December 2013 and all of the students are hoping to get permission to study.
Si Thu Maung, a member of the Yangon Institute of Economics student union and one of eight former political prisoners who met with the pro-democracy leader, told University World News that Suu Kyi said she thought all of the students had already been able to attend university.
“She feels sorry that it hasn’t happened until now and said it shouldn’t be like this. She also said education is for all, and as the government is reforming the country, they shouldn’t put a constraint on students to study,” he said.
She promised to bring up the issue in the Hluttaw (parliament) – although no timetable had been set.
Ministry of Education officials had told local media that the rules barring students from attending university after a long break were not just for political prisoners but for all students, and were designed to prevent truancy.
Dragging on
The problem has dragged on for at least 18 months, and most of the students affected have been unable to find a job.
“Around 15 students from Yangon including myself, who were released under the amnesty on 13 January 2012, met with professors from different universities in February 2012 to discuss attending university again,” De Nyein Lin, chair of the organising committee of the Federation of Students’ Unions, told University World News.
“However, the professors told us to apply higher up because they couldn’t help us with this problem until permission had come from their superiors.”
On 9 February 2012, eight former political prisoners met Suu Kyi at the National League for Democracy’s head office in Yangon, said Yae Myat Hein, deputy head of the organising committee of the Federation of Students' Unions.
Suu Kyi’s response then had also been that their education should not be restricted, as the students had already been punished by being in jail.
The students sent letters to members of the Hluttaw, political parties, the president’s office and other organisations last year. At the end of May 2012, representatives from various universities called a meeting at West Yangon University with the former detainees and their parents.
“They said they called the meeting because they received letters from the president to meet with students. Then we signed [an agreement] to attend the university punctually, obey the university rules and not disturb the stability of the state,” De Nyein Lin said.
“However there has been no response since then. Whenever we go and ask, they say there has been no order from their superiors yet.”
Three students met with U Aung Min and U Soe Thein, both ministers in the president’s office, on 2 July. The ministers urged the students to send them detailed letters “so they can help the students to study again”, said De Nyein Lin.
Yae Myat Hein said he was hopeful this time as they had not only been able to speak to Suu Kyi but also ministers who are close to the president. He said the students hoped to be allowed back for the 2013-14 academic year.
A ninth amnesty was granted on 17 May this year, just before President Thein Sein’s visit to the US in May. Other amnesties were granted before the president attended the United Nations General Assembly, before the American president visited Myanmar, and before the ASEAN Summit and other high-level visits.
Suu Kyi told a group of released political prisoners, who have been lobbying for the right to continue their studies where they had left off, that she would bring the case before parliament and the Ministry of Education.
She met them at the margins of a high-level conference on higher education attended by ministers, parliamentarians and foreign education bodies and held on 29-30 June in the Myanmar capital Naypyidaw.
Some 15 students from Yangon have not been able to study since they were released under President Thein Sein’s amnesties. Most of them were detained during and after the 2007 ‘Saffron Revolution’ – a pro-democracy uprising led by saffron-robed monks.
According to university authorities, if students are away from university for more than four years they will be excluded. For former political prisoners, the only option is to begin their degrees again via distance learning.
But all the students had already completed one or more years of university education. Some were already in their final year at the time of detention. The next university year will start in December 2013 and all of the students are hoping to get permission to study.
Si Thu Maung, a member of the Yangon Institute of Economics student union and one of eight former political prisoners who met with the pro-democracy leader, told University World News that Suu Kyi said she thought all of the students had already been able to attend university.
“She feels sorry that it hasn’t happened until now and said it shouldn’t be like this. She also said education is for all, and as the government is reforming the country, they shouldn’t put a constraint on students to study,” he said.
She promised to bring up the issue in the Hluttaw (parliament) – although no timetable had been set.
Ministry of Education officials had told local media that the rules barring students from attending university after a long break were not just for political prisoners but for all students, and were designed to prevent truancy.
Dragging on
The problem has dragged on for at least 18 months, and most of the students affected have been unable to find a job.
“Around 15 students from Yangon including myself, who were released under the amnesty on 13 January 2012, met with professors from different universities in February 2012 to discuss attending university again,” De Nyein Lin, chair of the organising committee of the Federation of Students’ Unions, told University World News.
“However, the professors told us to apply higher up because they couldn’t help us with this problem until permission had come from their superiors.”
On 9 February 2012, eight former political prisoners met Suu Kyi at the National League for Democracy’s head office in Yangon, said Yae Myat Hein, deputy head of the organising committee of the Federation of Students' Unions.
Suu Kyi’s response then had also been that their education should not be restricted, as the students had already been punished by being in jail.
The students sent letters to members of the Hluttaw, political parties, the president’s office and other organisations last year. At the end of May 2012, representatives from various universities called a meeting at West Yangon University with the former detainees and their parents.
“They said they called the meeting because they received letters from the president to meet with students. Then we signed [an agreement] to attend the university punctually, obey the university rules and not disturb the stability of the state,” De Nyein Lin said.
“However there has been no response since then. Whenever we go and ask, they say there has been no order from their superiors yet.”
Three students met with U Aung Min and U Soe Thein, both ministers in the president’s office, on 2 July. The ministers urged the students to send them detailed letters “so they can help the students to study again”, said De Nyein Lin.
Yae Myat Hein said he was hopeful this time as they had not only been able to speak to Suu Kyi but also ministers who are close to the president. He said the students hoped to be allowed back for the 2013-14 academic year.
A ninth amnesty was granted on 17 May this year, just before President Thein Sein’s visit to the US in May. Other amnesties were granted before the president attended the United Nations General Assembly, before the American president visited Myanmar, and before the ASEAN Summit and other high-level visits.
VIETNAM: Government lowers targets to slow HE student growth
Hiep Pham20 July 2013 Issue No:281
In a landmark decision that overrides previous massification policies, Vietnam is to slow the expansion of higher education between now and at least 2020, according to a new universities and colleges planning document signed by Deputy Prime Minister Nguyen Thien Nhan.
The planning regulation called “Decision 37”, released last month under the framework of the higher education law that came into effect in January 2013, sets new targets: by 2020, Vietnam will have some 2.2 million students in higher education, 3% of them from overseas, and the number of students will represent 2.56% of the population.
This means there will be almost no increase in student numbers in higher education between now and the end of the decade, as the number of students stood at 2.16 million in 2010 – or 250 per 10,000 people (2.5% of the population).
The previous targets were set at 4.5 million students in higher education by 2020 – or 450 per 10,000 people (4.5%) under a 2007 regulation known as “Decision 121”.
It is not clear whether the new targets mean that government is acknowledging the failure of previous targets under Decision 121 or are due to a “mis-estimate by policy-makers”, according to a Hanoi-based educator who did not want to be named.
The educator also questioned whether the lowering of targets was reasonable given a high birth rate in the past decade.
However, graduate unemployment and the phenomenon of graduates taking up jobs that do not need university education have been rising, with some critics blaming the over-expansion of universities.
By last October, Vietnam already had 165,000 unemployed graduates, or some 17% of the overall jobless total. Criticism that graduates lack the skills needed by employers is also increasingly heard.
Nghia Tran, a PhD student in higher education studies at the University of Melbourne, described Decision 37 as a “turning point” for higher education policy. The previous targets under Decision 121 were “legal excuses” for the over-expansion of higher education in the past decade, he told University World News.
He said that with lower student quotas for both existing and newly established institutions, “universities will have to compete really hard against each other to maintain their operations, if they do not want to be eliminated”.
The government has been attempting to slow higher education expansion for some time. At a higher education summit in January, attended by rectors of all higher education institutions and provincial heads of education from around the country, the Ministry of Education and Training admitted that quality was not increasing at the same pace as student numbers.
“The first priority for our sector in 2013 is to improve quality assurance in every aspect of higher education,” the ministry’s Director of Higher Education Bui Anh Tuan told the summit.
In March, the ministry announced that it would slash enrolment quotas at some 23 higher education institutions due to poor facilities and lack of qualified academics.
The planning regulation called “Decision 37”, released last month under the framework of the higher education law that came into effect in January 2013, sets new targets: by 2020, Vietnam will have some 2.2 million students in higher education, 3% of them from overseas, and the number of students will represent 2.56% of the population.
This means there will be almost no increase in student numbers in higher education between now and the end of the decade, as the number of students stood at 2.16 million in 2010 – or 250 per 10,000 people (2.5% of the population).
The previous targets were set at 4.5 million students in higher education by 2020 – or 450 per 10,000 people (4.5%) under a 2007 regulation known as “Decision 121”.
It is not clear whether the new targets mean that government is acknowledging the failure of previous targets under Decision 121 or are due to a “mis-estimate by policy-makers”, according to a Hanoi-based educator who did not want to be named.
The educator also questioned whether the lowering of targets was reasonable given a high birth rate in the past decade.
However, graduate unemployment and the phenomenon of graduates taking up jobs that do not need university education have been rising, with some critics blaming the over-expansion of universities.
By last October, Vietnam already had 165,000 unemployed graduates, or some 17% of the overall jobless total. Criticism that graduates lack the skills needed by employers is also increasingly heard.
Nghia Tran, a PhD student in higher education studies at the University of Melbourne, described Decision 37 as a “turning point” for higher education policy. The previous targets under Decision 121 were “legal excuses” for the over-expansion of higher education in the past decade, he told University World News.
He said that with lower student quotas for both existing and newly established institutions, “universities will have to compete really hard against each other to maintain their operations, if they do not want to be eliminated”.
The government has been attempting to slow higher education expansion for some time. At a higher education summit in January, attended by rectors of all higher education institutions and provincial heads of education from around the country, the Ministry of Education and Training admitted that quality was not increasing at the same pace as student numbers.
“The first priority for our sector in 2013 is to improve quality assurance in every aspect of higher education,” the ministry’s Director of Higher Education Bui Anh Tuan told the summit.
In March, the ministry announced that it would slash enrolment quotas at some 23 higher education institutions due to poor facilities and lack of qualified academics.
MALAYSIA: Uproar over ‘race bias’ in public university places
Emilia Tan and Yojana Sharma17 July 2013 Issue No:281
When the Malaysian government announced the allocation of seats at
public universities last week, it sparked uproar among ethnic Chinese
and Indians. Only 19% of places were awarded to Chinese and 4% to Indian
students – and even some with the highest exam scores failed to gain a
place on their preferred course.
The ethnic breakdown of the Malaysian population is 23% Chinese and 7% Indian, while 60% are Malay – also known as Bumiputras, or sons of the soil – according to the most recent census.
The results prompted Jaspal Singh, treasurer general of the Malaysian Indian Congress, or MIC – which is part of the ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional) coalition – to say it was “the most unfair and biased public university intake in the history of Malaysia”.
He said some 3,000 Indians should have been given places at public universities. Instead, around 1,500 students were allocated places. Singh said the Chinese student intake had dropped from around 25% of public university enrolment in recent years to 19%.
Chief Minister of Penang state Lim Guan Eng, who is secretary general of the opposition Malaysian Democratic Action Party or DAP, which is supported by Chinese voters and backed by some Indians, said the result was a “painful injustice”.
“After 56 years of independence it is time for all political parties and the [higher education] ministry not to focus on race but on why qualified students cannot get places in public universities on merit,” Lim said in a statement on 15 July.
Lim added that depriving qualified students of places in public universities was a waste of talent and would drive away the country’s best and brightest, who would go abroad. “It will make it easier for other countries like Singapore to happily snatch away our crème de la crème,” Lim said.
Chinese predicament
Of the 41,573 public university enrolments this year, only 7,913 were Chinese Malaysians. Last year Chinese students made up 8,985 of a total enrolment of 38,549 and in 2011 around 9,457 of a total enrolment of 41,267, according to the Malaysian Chinese Association, or MCA, which is part of the Barisan coalition.
Many top scorers in terms of GPA – Grade Point Average – from the two minority groups failed to get into their preferred degree courses.
“Students with a GPA of 4.0 (perfect score) should not be given courses which they had not opted for, as they are a talented group. If these students with excellent results fail to get the course that they want, they might just take up offers from other countries like Singapore,” said MCA Education Bureau Chair Wee Ka Siong, at a press conference on 12 July.
“The hardest hit are students with a GPA of 4.0 who applied for medicine, pharmacy and dentistry and were yet not offered any place or given any course in the eight options applied for,” Wee said.
Indian figures
The MIC president, G Palanivel, who is minister for natural resources and environment, said in a press statement on 3 July that a total of 6,150 ethnic Indian students had applied for the 2013-14 public university intake.
For the first intake, 1,500 were offered places but only 892 accepted the offers. During the second intake another 350 students were made offers. Palanivel said that he did not know at that point how many had been accepted.
He said Prime Minister Najib Razak had agreed to increase the intake to 1,500, and he had sent letters of appeal “to ensure that Indian students get their 1,500 places.”
But Palanivel admitted some Indian students with a perfect cumulative GPA were unable to get into their preferred courses. Some did not even get a place at a public university.
MIC’s higher education bureau said it had received complaints from 10 students who had scored a perfect GPA but were denied a place of their choice.
Criticism of the government
Parent Action Group for Education Chair Noor Azimah Abdul Rahim told local media: “What is important is that meritocracy has to take precedence because hard work has to be rewarded. Students with a [GPA of] 4.0 should be able to get what they want – it is a perfect score.
“Something definitely has to be done about this," she said.
Political analysts believe Malay nationalists within the coalition had pressured the party to cut back on opportunities for ethnic Chinese and Indians in education and other spheres after the ruling coalition secured a majority in elections held in May.
Barisan Nasional actively tried to woo the ethnic minority vote in the run-up to the elections in order to stay in power. Education has been a key theme among the electorate. But such concessions for Chinese and Indian groups are not necessarily popular with the Malay majority, particularly in rural areas.
Singh placed the blame squarely at the door of the Education Ministry, laying into ethnically Indian Deputy Education Minister P Kamalanathan, an MIC member.
Singh said Kamalanathan had “mocked the trust” that the Indian community had placed in him, and he advised Kamalanathan not to “cover up for the Education Ministry”.
“This discrimination must stop. The majority of Indians are poor and the parents sacrifice much to educate their children,” Singh said.
“We should ensure they receive the courses of their choice and stay in Malaysia to contribute to future nation building. Instead, the Education Ministry crushes their dreams, destroys the hopes of their parents and confirms it is pursuing the most vile of policies," said Singh.
Students not accepted by public universities are forced to turn to private universities with much higher fees and few scholarships. Those who are financially better off tend to go abroad.
Ministry response
Kamalanathan said this week that some 18,222 students had failed to secure university places this year. “But we have opened a channel for them to appeal,” he told local media. He said he had received more than 100 appeals.
The deputy minister said earlier that the number of “top performers” exceeded seats available, particularly in ‘critical’ courses, mainly medicine and dentistry.
“The government is committed to providing pathways to all deserving candidates and will strive to cater to find alternatives, to make sure no student is left behind in the quest for knowledge," Kamalanathan said in a statement.
But as criticism continued to build, he tweeted on 16 July that the issue would be discussed in cabinet this week, in an attempt to find a solution.
Lim also criticised the MIC and the MCA, both part of the ruling coalition, for their “annual national obsession on race profiling”. He said the serious issue of depriving qualified students of university places was argued from a racial perspective, when it should be based on “equal opportunity, excellence and performance”.
He emphasised a need for clear, transparent criteria for public universities. "The future of our young is too important to be politicised or played about as an annual game,” Lim said
The ethnic breakdown of the Malaysian population is 23% Chinese and 7% Indian, while 60% are Malay – also known as Bumiputras, or sons of the soil – according to the most recent census.
The results prompted Jaspal Singh, treasurer general of the Malaysian Indian Congress, or MIC – which is part of the ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional) coalition – to say it was “the most unfair and biased public university intake in the history of Malaysia”.
He said some 3,000 Indians should have been given places at public universities. Instead, around 1,500 students were allocated places. Singh said the Chinese student intake had dropped from around 25% of public university enrolment in recent years to 19%.
Chief Minister of Penang state Lim Guan Eng, who is secretary general of the opposition Malaysian Democratic Action Party or DAP, which is supported by Chinese voters and backed by some Indians, said the result was a “painful injustice”.
“After 56 years of independence it is time for all political parties and the [higher education] ministry not to focus on race but on why qualified students cannot get places in public universities on merit,” Lim said in a statement on 15 July.
Lim added that depriving qualified students of places in public universities was a waste of talent and would drive away the country’s best and brightest, who would go abroad. “It will make it easier for other countries like Singapore to happily snatch away our crème de la crème,” Lim said.
Chinese predicament
Of the 41,573 public university enrolments this year, only 7,913 were Chinese Malaysians. Last year Chinese students made up 8,985 of a total enrolment of 38,549 and in 2011 around 9,457 of a total enrolment of 41,267, according to the Malaysian Chinese Association, or MCA, which is part of the Barisan coalition.
Many top scorers in terms of GPA – Grade Point Average – from the two minority groups failed to get into their preferred degree courses.
“Students with a GPA of 4.0 (perfect score) should not be given courses which they had not opted for, as they are a talented group. If these students with excellent results fail to get the course that they want, they might just take up offers from other countries like Singapore,” said MCA Education Bureau Chair Wee Ka Siong, at a press conference on 12 July.
“The hardest hit are students with a GPA of 4.0 who applied for medicine, pharmacy and dentistry and were yet not offered any place or given any course in the eight options applied for,” Wee said.
Indian figures
The MIC president, G Palanivel, who is minister for natural resources and environment, said in a press statement on 3 July that a total of 6,150 ethnic Indian students had applied for the 2013-14 public university intake.
For the first intake, 1,500 were offered places but only 892 accepted the offers. During the second intake another 350 students were made offers. Palanivel said that he did not know at that point how many had been accepted.
He said Prime Minister Najib Razak had agreed to increase the intake to 1,500, and he had sent letters of appeal “to ensure that Indian students get their 1,500 places.”
But Palanivel admitted some Indian students with a perfect cumulative GPA were unable to get into their preferred courses. Some did not even get a place at a public university.
MIC’s higher education bureau said it had received complaints from 10 students who had scored a perfect GPA but were denied a place of their choice.
Criticism of the government
Parent Action Group for Education Chair Noor Azimah Abdul Rahim told local media: “What is important is that meritocracy has to take precedence because hard work has to be rewarded. Students with a [GPA of] 4.0 should be able to get what they want – it is a perfect score.
“Something definitely has to be done about this," she said.
Political analysts believe Malay nationalists within the coalition had pressured the party to cut back on opportunities for ethnic Chinese and Indians in education and other spheres after the ruling coalition secured a majority in elections held in May.
Barisan Nasional actively tried to woo the ethnic minority vote in the run-up to the elections in order to stay in power. Education has been a key theme among the electorate. But such concessions for Chinese and Indian groups are not necessarily popular with the Malay majority, particularly in rural areas.
Singh placed the blame squarely at the door of the Education Ministry, laying into ethnically Indian Deputy Education Minister P Kamalanathan, an MIC member.
Singh said Kamalanathan had “mocked the trust” that the Indian community had placed in him, and he advised Kamalanathan not to “cover up for the Education Ministry”.
“This discrimination must stop. The majority of Indians are poor and the parents sacrifice much to educate their children,” Singh said.
“We should ensure they receive the courses of their choice and stay in Malaysia to contribute to future nation building. Instead, the Education Ministry crushes their dreams, destroys the hopes of their parents and confirms it is pursuing the most vile of policies," said Singh.
Students not accepted by public universities are forced to turn to private universities with much higher fees and few scholarships. Those who are financially better off tend to go abroad.
Ministry response
Kamalanathan said this week that some 18,222 students had failed to secure university places this year. “But we have opened a channel for them to appeal,” he told local media. He said he had received more than 100 appeals.
The deputy minister said earlier that the number of “top performers” exceeded seats available, particularly in ‘critical’ courses, mainly medicine and dentistry.
“The government is committed to providing pathways to all deserving candidates and will strive to cater to find alternatives, to make sure no student is left behind in the quest for knowledge," Kamalanathan said in a statement.
But as criticism continued to build, he tweeted on 16 July that the issue would be discussed in cabinet this week, in an attempt to find a solution.
Lim also criticised the MIC and the MCA, both part of the ruling coalition, for their “annual national obsession on race profiling”. He said the serious issue of depriving qualified students of university places was argued from a racial perspective, when it should be based on “equal opportunity, excellence and performance”.
He emphasised a need for clear, transparent criteria for public universities. "The future of our young is too important to be politicised or played about as an annual game,” Lim said
Sunday, 14 July 2013
Cambodia: Apsara Authority Refutes $200M Revenue Claim
By Kuch Naren - July 13, 2013
The Apsara Authority, which manages the Angkor Archaeological Park, issued a statement on Friday refuting a claim made by Cambodia National Rescue Party leader Kem Sokha about the amount of revenue that it collects from ticket sales.
The letter, signed by Apsara Authority director-general Bun Narith, said that Mr. Sokha was quoted on July 9 while campaigning in Siem Reap as saying that the revenue from ticket sales for Angkor is almost $200 million per year.
“The Cambodia National Rescue Party has purposefully pretended to know the correct tourism figures in order to mislead about the number of tourists visiting Angkor,” it says.
The statement went on to explain that not all the 3,584,307 tourists to the country last year visited the temples, meaning the revenues collected at Angkor Park are actually much lower.
The Apsara Authority did not say what its revenues are, but pointed out that children younger than 12 and government delegations are not required to purchase a ticket to enter the park.
The true number of tickets sold last year was 1,808,623, the authority said, and of those, 59.2 percent were single day passes, which cost $20.
Cambodia: Ministry to Survey Gap Between University, Jobs
By Kaing Menghun and David Kaner - July 13, 2013
The Ministry of Education is preparing to distribute questionnaires nationwide to assess the gap between the job market and subjects being studied by university students.
“The research will focus on the job market and how it is responding to the skills and knowledge that students learn,” according to a draft version of the questionnaire.
As Cambodia’s economy develops, employers have complained that there are too many graduates in subjects such as management and business, and not enough in areas such as engineering, agriculture and vocational skills such as mechanics.
The questionnaire will ask students to provide information on their university course, their ideal job, how well they believe their studies have prepared them for finding employment and their level of confidence in finding desirable work after graduation.
“It’s very well recognized, not only in Cambodia but more broadly, that schools need to better align with the job market and industry needs,” said Sandra D’amico, managing director of HR Inc., a local recruitment firm.
Monday, 8 July 2013
កម្ពុជា: និស្សិតកម្ពុជាបានអាហារូបករណ៍ Fulbright ត្រៀមខ្លួនទៅរៀននៅអាមេរិក
03 កក្កដា 2013
ភ្នំពេញ —
និស្សិតខ្មែរចំនួន៨នាក់ ដែលបានទទួលអាហារូបករណ៍
Fulbright ដើម្បីទៅបន្តការសិក្សានៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក និយាយថា ពួកគេ
សង្ឃឹមថា នឹងអាចជួយអភិវឌ្ឍប្រទេសជាតិរបស់ខ្លួនឲ្យរីកចម្រើនជាង
នេះ
ក្រោយពីពួកគេបានបញ្ចប់ការសិក្សានិងវិលត្រឡប់មកមាតុភូមិរបស់ខ្លួន
វិញនោះ។
អ្នកនាង ប៉ិល ដាឡែន ស្ថិតក្នុងចំណោមអ្នកទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ចំនួន៨ នាក់នៅឆ្នាំនេះ។ នាងនឹងបន្តការសិក្សាថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិតខាងអប់រំ នៅ សាកលវិទ្យាល័យ Columbia University។ នាងបាននិយាយនៅក្នុងពិធីបង្ហាញខ្លួន(ឧទ្ទេសនាម)មុនពេលចេញដំណើរ មួយនៅក្នុងស្ថានទូតអាមេរិកក្នុងទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ កាលពីខែមុន។
នាងនិយាយថា៖ «នៅពេលខ្ញុំវិលត្រឡប់មកប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញ ខ្ញុំចង់ចូលបម្រើការ ងារនៅក្នុងក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជន និងកីឡា ពីព្រោះខ្ញុំចង់ក្លាយជាចំណែកមួយជួយជ្រុំជ្រែងក្នុងការ អភិវឌ្ឍវិស័យអប់រំនៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ពីព្រោះខ្ញុំជឿថា វិស័យអប់រំគឺជាវិស័យមួយយ៉ាងសំខាន់ក្នុងការជួយប្រទេសជាតិដើម្បី ឈានទៅរកការអភិវឌ្ឍ»។
តាំងពីឆ្នាំ១៩៩៤មក កម្មវិធី Fulbright បានផ្តល់អាហារូបករណ៍ដល់និស្សិតខ្មែរចំនួនសរុបជាង១៣០ នាក់ហើយ ដោយរួមទាំងនិស្សិតទាំង៨នាក់នេះផង ដើម្បីឲ្យពួកគេបន្តការសិក្សា ថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិត និងបណ្ឌិតនៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក។
លោកWilliam Todd គឺជាឯកអគ្គរដ្ឋទូតអាមេរិកប្រចាំកម្ពុជា។
លោកនិយាយថា៖ «ពួកគេនឹងផ្តល់ក្តីសង្ឃឹមដល់យុវជនកម្ពុជា។ មិនថា ពួកគេនឹងចូលបម្រើការងារនៅក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាល ឬវិស័យនានា ដូចជាច្បាប់ ឬអប់រំក៏ដោយ ពួកគេនឹងផ្តល់អនាគតមួយដល់យុវជននៃប្រទេសនេះ។ ពួកគេ នឹងធ្វើឲ្យសេដ្ឋកិច្ចរីកលូតលាស់ ហើយនឹងជួយជ្រុំជ្រែងប្រទេសឲ្យ ឈានឆ្ពោះ
អ្នកនាង ប៉ិល ដាឡែន ស្ថិតក្នុងចំណោមអ្នកទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ចំនួន៨ នាក់នៅឆ្នាំនេះ។ នាងនឹងបន្តការសិក្សាថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិតខាងអប់រំ នៅ សាកលវិទ្យាល័យ Columbia University។ នាងបាននិយាយនៅក្នុងពិធីបង្ហាញខ្លួន(ឧទ្ទេសនាម)មុនពេលចេញដំណើរ មួយនៅក្នុងស្ថានទូតអាមេរិកក្នុងទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ កាលពីខែមុន។
នាងនិយាយថា៖ «នៅពេលខ្ញុំវិលត្រឡប់មកប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញ ខ្ញុំចង់ចូលបម្រើការ ងារនៅក្នុងក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជន និងកីឡា ពីព្រោះខ្ញុំចង់ក្លាយជាចំណែកមួយជួយជ្រុំជ្រែងក្នុងការ អភិវឌ្ឍវិស័យអប់រំនៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ពីព្រោះខ្ញុំជឿថា វិស័យអប់រំគឺជាវិស័យមួយយ៉ាងសំខាន់ក្នុងការជួយប្រទេសជាតិដើម្បី ឈានទៅរកការអភិវឌ្ឍ»។
តាំងពីឆ្នាំ១៩៩៤មក កម្មវិធី Fulbright បានផ្តល់អាហារូបករណ៍ដល់និស្សិតខ្មែរចំនួនសរុបជាង១៣០ នាក់ហើយ ដោយរួមទាំងនិស្សិតទាំង៨នាក់នេះផង ដើម្បីឲ្យពួកគេបន្តការសិក្សា ថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិត និងបណ្ឌិតនៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក។
លោកWilliam Todd គឺជាឯកអគ្គរដ្ឋទូតអាមេរិកប្រចាំកម្ពុជា។
លោកនិយាយថា៖ «ពួកគេនឹងផ្តល់ក្តីសង្ឃឹមដល់យុវជនកម្ពុជា។ មិនថា ពួកគេនឹងចូលបម្រើការងារនៅក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាល ឬវិស័យនានា ដូចជាច្បាប់ ឬអប់រំក៏ដោយ ពួកគេនឹងផ្តល់អនាគតមួយដល់យុវជននៃប្រទេសនេះ។ ពួកគេ នឹងធ្វើឲ្យសេដ្ឋកិច្ចរីកលូតលាស់ ហើយនឹងជួយជ្រុំជ្រែងប្រទេសឲ្យ ឈានឆ្ពោះ
យោង
តាមស្ថានទូតអាមេរិកឲ្យដឹងថា
អ្នកដែលបានវិលត្រឡប់ពីការសិក្សាក្នុងកម្មវិធី
Fulbright មួយចំនួនកំពុងបម្រើការងារក្នុងមុខតំណែងសំខាន់ៗក្នុងជួរ
រដ្ឋាភិបាល វិស័យឯកជន និងអង្គការក្រៅរដ្ឋាភិបាលនានា។
លោកសូផា រតនាគឺជាអតីតអ្នកទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ Fulbright ម្នាក់ដែលបច្ចុប្បន្នកំពុងធ្វើការក្នុងក្រុមហ៊ុនឯកជនមួយ។ លោកនិយាយថា បើគ្មានអាហារូបករណ៍នេះទេ លោកទំនងជាមានឱកាសតិចតួច ក្នុងចូលរួមនៅក្នុងកម្មវិធីនានា ដើម្បីជួយអភិវឌ្ឍប្រទេសជាតិ។
លោកនិយាយថា៖ «វាបានបើកទ្វារនៃឱកាសហ្នឹងច្រើន។ អញ្ចឹង នៅពេលដែលយើងស្គាល់គេច្រើនទៅ យើងបានចូលរួមក្នុងកម្មវិធីជាច្រើន។ ប៉ុន្តែ បើអត់បានទទួលអាហារូបករណ៍ហ្នឹងទេ ឱកាសក្នុងការចូលរួមក្នុង កម្មវិធីទាំងអស់ហ្នឹងក៏វាតិចជាងហ្នឹងដែរ»។
លោកប៉ិល សំអុនគឺជាឪពុករបស់អ្នកនាងប៉ិល ដាឡែន។ លោកនិយាយថា លោកនិងក្រុមគ្រួសារមានសំណាងណាស់ដែលមានកូនស្រីបានទៅបន្តការ សិក្សានៅសាកលវិទ្យាល័យដ៏ល្បីល្បាញបំផុតមួយរបស់អាមេរិកនោះ។
លោកនិយាយថា៖ «ការទៅរៀនសូត្ររបស់គេពីរឆ្នាំនេះ ក៏ខ្ញុំនិយាយប្រាប់គេថា កូន អើយ ខំប្រឹងរៀនទៅនៅស្រុកគេ។ យើងខំប្រឹងរៀនយកចំណេះវិជ្ជាហ្នឹងមក ហើយវិលមកស្រុកខ្មែរយើង វិញ ជួយធ្វើការបម្រើជាតិយើង»។
អ្នកទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ Fulbright ទាំងអស់នៅឆ្នាំនេះ នឹងបន្តការសិក្សាថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិត របស់ពួកគេរៀងៗខ្លួនផ្នែកច្បាប់ សេដ្ឋកិច្ច ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ ភាសា វិទ្យា ការបង្រៀនភាសាអង់គ្លេស និងការអប់រំ នៅតាមសាកលវិទ្យាល័យល្បីៗមួយ ចំនួនក្នុងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក៕
លោកសូផា រតនាគឺជាអតីតអ្នកទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ Fulbright ម្នាក់ដែលបច្ចុប្បន្នកំពុងធ្វើការក្នុងក្រុមហ៊ុនឯកជនមួយ។ លោកនិយាយថា បើគ្មានអាហារូបករណ៍នេះទេ លោកទំនងជាមានឱកាសតិចតួច ក្នុងចូលរួមនៅក្នុងកម្មវិធីនានា ដើម្បីជួយអភិវឌ្ឍប្រទេសជាតិ។
លោកនិយាយថា៖ «វាបានបើកទ្វារនៃឱកាសហ្នឹងច្រើន។ អញ្ចឹង នៅពេលដែលយើងស្គាល់គេច្រើនទៅ យើងបានចូលរួមក្នុងកម្មវិធីជាច្រើន។ ប៉ុន្តែ បើអត់បានទទួលអាហារូបករណ៍ហ្នឹងទេ ឱកាសក្នុងការចូលរួមក្នុង កម្មវិធីទាំងអស់ហ្នឹងក៏វាតិចជាងហ្នឹងដែរ»។
លោកប៉ិល សំអុនគឺជាឪពុករបស់អ្នកនាងប៉ិល ដាឡែន។ លោកនិយាយថា លោកនិងក្រុមគ្រួសារមានសំណាងណាស់ដែលមានកូនស្រីបានទៅបន្តការ សិក្សានៅសាកលវិទ្យាល័យដ៏ល្បីល្បាញបំផុតមួយរបស់អាមេរិកនោះ។
លោកនិយាយថា៖ «ការទៅរៀនសូត្ររបស់គេពីរឆ្នាំនេះ ក៏ខ្ញុំនិយាយប្រាប់គេថា កូន អើយ ខំប្រឹងរៀនទៅនៅស្រុកគេ។ យើងខំប្រឹងរៀនយកចំណេះវិជ្ជាហ្នឹងមក ហើយវិលមកស្រុកខ្មែរយើង វិញ ជួយធ្វើការបម្រើជាតិយើង»។
អ្នកទទួលបានអាហារូបករណ៍ Fulbright ទាំងអស់នៅឆ្នាំនេះ នឹងបន្តការសិក្សាថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិត របស់ពួកគេរៀងៗខ្លួនផ្នែកច្បាប់ សេដ្ឋកិច្ច ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ ភាសា វិទ្យា ការបង្រៀនភាសាអង់គ្លេស និងការអប់រំ នៅតាមសាកលវិទ្យាល័យល្បីៗមួយ ចំនួនក្នុងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក៕
កម្ពុជាបង្កើតសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ
ដោយ សូត្រ សុខប្រាថ្នា
2013-07-07
ទីបំផុតសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា ត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើងហើយ
នៅល្ងាចថ្ងៃ៥ កក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១៣។ សម្រាប់ប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្ត
គឺជាផ្នែកមួយដ៏សំខាន់ក្នុងការរស់នៅប្រចាំថ្ងៃនៅក្នុងសង្គម។
ទីប្រឹក្សា រដ្ឋាភិបាល លោកបណ្ឌិត ស៊ន សំណាង ដែលជាប្រធានសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា បានប្រាប់វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី ឱ្យដឹងថា ការបង្កើតសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា មានគោលបំណងក្នុងការបណ្តុះបណ្តាលការស្រាវជ្រាវ ការផ្សព្វផ្សាយផ្នែកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រឱ្យកាន់តែមានភាពទូលំទូលាយពី ថ្នាក់ឧត្ដមសិក្សារហូតដល់វិទ្យាល័យ ដើម្បីបង្កើនស្នាដៃក្នុងការសរសេរប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តប្រកបដោយភាព ត្រឹមត្រូវ និងដើម្បីរួមចំណែកនៅក្នុងការអភិវឌ្ឍសង្គម។
លោក ស៊ន សំណាង៖ «ដើម្បីនឹងផ្សព្វផ្សាយ
បង្កើនការយល់ដឹងដល់សាធារណជនយើង ដល់យុវជនជំនាន់ក្រោយរបស់យើង។
គេតែងតែនិយាយថា ប្រជាជាតិមួយដែលមិនស្គាល់អតីតកាលរបស់ខ្លួននោះ
មិនស្គាល់បច្ចុប្បន្នកាល នឹងមិនដឹងថា
ខ្លួនកំពុងធ្វើអ្វី?ដូច្នេះអ្វីដែលយើងកំពុងធ្វើនេះ
គឺថាយើងចង់ឱ្យសាធារណជនខ្មែរ
ឬយុវជនខ្មែរយើងយល់កាន់តែច្បាស់សម្រាប់អតីតកាល»។
សម្រាប់អនុប្រធានដេប៉ាតឺម៉ង់ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រនៃសាកលវិទ្យាល័យ
ភូមិន្ទភ្នំពេញ លោកសាស្ត្រាចារ្យ វង់ សុធារ៉ា
ដែលជាអនុប្រធានសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា
បានបញ្ជាក់ពីអារម្មណ៍សប្បាយរីករាយសម្រាប់ការបង្កើតនូវសមាគមអ្នក
ប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តកម្ពុជានេះឡើង
ដោយសារលោកធ្លាប់មានការគម្រោងផ្តួចផ្តើមក្នុងការបង្កើតម្ដងរួច
ហើយ ប៉ុន្តែមិនអាចចេញជារូបរាង ដោយសារខ្វះមធ្យោបាយផ្សេងៗ។
ប៉ុន្តែពេលនេះអ្នកដែលចូលចិត្តក្នុងការស្រាវជ្រាវអាចពង្រីងនូវ
សមត្ថភាពរបស់ខ្លួនបាន
តាមរយៈការបង្កើតសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជានេះ៖ «ពិតខ្ញុំមានអារម្មណ៍រំភើបសប្បាយរីករាយនៅពេលសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា ត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើងបាន»។
លោកបានបន្ថែមទៀតថា
ដោយសារកន្លងមកមជ្ឈដ្ឋានទូទៅដូចជាមិនសូវបានសិក្សាស្រាវជ្រាវ
ឬយល់ដឹងឱ្យបានត្រឹមត្រូវអំពីប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រជាតិ មិនតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ
រវាងគ្រូនៅឧត្ដមសិក្សា
និងគ្រូនៅវិទ្យាល័យក៏មានការបង្រៀនប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រខុសគ្នា
ហើយសមាគមនេះ
អាចជាការផ្ដល់មធ្យោបាយងាយស្រួលក្នុងការទំនាក់ទំនងគ្នាទៀតផង។
លោក វង់ សុធារ៉ា៖ «មជ្ឈដ្ឋានទូទៅទាំងគ្រូ ទាំងប្រជាជនសាមញ្ញ
ហាក់ដូចជាមិនទាន់បានយល់ដឹងឱ្យបានស៊ីជម្រៅ
ឬមួយក៏ឱ្យបានត្រឹមត្រូវអំពីប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្ររបស់ជាតិយើង
ហើយក្នុងចំណោមគ្រូដែលបង្រៀននៅចំណេះដឹងទូទៅ និងនៅសាកលវិទ្យាល័យ
នៅមានការបង្ហាត់បង្រៀនអំពីខ្លឹមសារប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រខ្មែរក៏ខុស
ដែរ»។
ស្រដៀងគ្នានេះ ប្រធានមូលនិធិកេរដំណែលខ្មែរលោកបណ្ឌិត ចិន្ត
ច័ន្ទរតនា បានលើកឡើងថា
លោកមានការសប្បាយរីករាយជាខ្លាំងការដែលសមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ
កម្ពុជា ត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើង
ពីព្រោះដោយសារការចូលរួមពីសំណាក់សាស្រ្តាចារ្យ លោកគ្រូ អ្នកគ្រូ
ដែលមានមានជំនាញខាងប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តបានរួមគ្នាជាធ្លុងមួយសម្រាប់
រៀបចំការស្រាវជ្រាវប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តប្រកបទៅដោយភាពសុក្រិត។
លោក ចិន្ត ច័ន្ទរតនា៖ «ទី១ សមាគមនេះត្រូវបានផ្ដួចផ្ដើម
និងរៀបចំដោយសុទ្ធសឹងតែមានអ្នកប្រាជ្ញ អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវ
លោកសាស្រ្តាចារ្យ ក៏ដូចជានិស្សិតដែលមានឆន្ទៈ
ក៏ដូចជាគោលបំណងរួមក្នុងការបង្កើត
ឬធ្វើអ្វីមួយឱ្យជាធ្លុងមួយក្នុងការចងក្រង
ប្រមូលឯកសារជាច្រើនដើម្បីធ្វើការផ្សព្វផ្សាយឱ្យបានទូលំទូលាយ
ហើយឯកសារទាំងនោះ
ជាពិសេសដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រខ្មែរនោះគឺមានភាពសុក្រឹត»។
សមាគមអ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រកម្ពុជា
ត្រូវបានទទួលការអនុញ្ញាតជាផ្លូវការពីក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ
នៃរដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជា កាលពីថ្ងៃទី២៨ មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ២០១៣
ហើយបច្ចុប្បន្នមានទីស្នាក់ការកណ្ដាលនៅអគារលេខ ៨ ផ្លូវ ១៧៣
សង្កាត់អូឡាំពិក ខណ្ឌចំការមន រាជធានីភ្នំពេញ៕
CHINA: University appointment puts spotlight on selection
Global Times06 July 2013 Issue No:279
Under the current system in China, a university president of the stature
of Lin Jianhua of Zhejiang University is appointed – without much
public input – by two departments: the organisation department of the
central committee of the Communist Party of China and the Ministry of
Education, reports Global Times.
Officials from these departments announced Lin's appointment last Wednesday at a meeting of the university's leadership. In his first speech Lin admitted to some weaknesses, saying his oratory skills needed work and that he is unsociable, but that he would "shoulder the negative pressure" and carry out his job. Professors and students at the university, however, remained sceptical of his suitability, saying he is not familiar enough with the university.
The ministry started reforming the university presidential appointment system in 2011. Since then, five institutions have used an ‘open’ recruitment process to select presidents, where a committee is formed to choose candidates, and the candidates are evaluated using a number of criteria, including interviews and public opinion polls. However, none of the top universities in China have opened up their presidential selection processes.
Officials from these departments announced Lin's appointment last Wednesday at a meeting of the university's leadership. In his first speech Lin admitted to some weaknesses, saying his oratory skills needed work and that he is unsociable, but that he would "shoulder the negative pressure" and carry out his job. Professors and students at the university, however, remained sceptical of his suitability, saying he is not familiar enough with the university.
The ministry started reforming the university presidential appointment system in 2011. Since then, five institutions have used an ‘open’ recruitment process to select presidents, where a committee is formed to choose candidates, and the candidates are evaluated using a number of criteria, including interviews and public opinion polls. However, none of the top universities in China have opened up their presidential selection processes.
Lin takes the stage
Under the current system, a university president of this stature is appointed without much public input, by two departments - the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Part of China (CPC) and the Ministry of Education.
Officials from these departments announced Lin's appointment on Wednesday at a meeting of the university's leadership.
"I will work hard to provide professors and students with the opportunity to realize their potential and compete fairly," Lin said in his first speech as the university president.
Lin admitted to some weaknesses, saying his oratory skills needed work and that he is unsociable, but said he would "shoulder the negative pressure" and carry out his job. Professors and students at the university remained skeptical of his suitability, saying he is not familiar enough with the university.
A professor surnamed Li at the university told the Global Times that they had only heard rumors of the appointment and the protest. "We don't know him and have never met him."
"How a university president is elected reflects the key values of the university, which should be the pursuit of higher academic levels, rather than bureaucracy," Yang Dongping, director of the 21st Century Education Research Institute, told the Global Times.
University presidents have rotated between positions more frequently in recent years, which makes it more difficult for them to appreciate the unique characteristics of each university, Xiong Bingqi, an education expert from the same institute as Yang, told the Global Times.
Yang added that the appointment system needs reform and autonomy of universities is an important component of education reform.
A more open process
The Ministry of Education started reforming the university president appointment system in 2011. Since then, five institutions have used an "open" recruitment process to select presidents, where a committee is formed to choose candidates, and the candidates are evaluated using a number of criteria, including interviews and public opinion polls.
Universities that have adopted this process include Northeast Normal University, the Southwest University of Finance and Economics, the Beijing University of Science and Technology, the Beijing University of Chinese Medicine and China Pharmaceutical University.
However, none of the top universities in China, such as Zhejiang University, Peking University or Tsinghua University, have opened up their university president selection processes.
Reforms allowing open recruitment for selecting presidents would be good for the sector, Xiong suggested, because administrative authorities tend to choose candidates according to administration considerations rather than academic standards and this has hampered teaching quality at universities across the country.
These reforms are likely to take some time. The Shenzhen-based South University of Science and Technology (SUST) was among the first universities to achieve a high level of autonomy after its establishment in 2011. SUST president Zhu Qingshi said that it will take a long time to change operating procedures, as it is difficult to change from a system where a high-level official always has the final say, the Nanfang Daily reported.
Xinhua contributed to this story
Under the current system, a university president of this stature is appointed without much public input, by two departments - the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Part of China (CPC) and the Ministry of Education.
Officials from these departments announced Lin's appointment on Wednesday at a meeting of the university's leadership.
"I will work hard to provide professors and students with the opportunity to realize their potential and compete fairly," Lin said in his first speech as the university president.
Lin admitted to some weaknesses, saying his oratory skills needed work and that he is unsociable, but said he would "shoulder the negative pressure" and carry out his job. Professors and students at the university remained skeptical of his suitability, saying he is not familiar enough with the university.
A professor surnamed Li at the university told the Global Times that they had only heard rumors of the appointment and the protest. "We don't know him and have never met him."
"How a university president is elected reflects the key values of the university, which should be the pursuit of higher academic levels, rather than bureaucracy," Yang Dongping, director of the 21st Century Education Research Institute, told the Global Times.
University presidents have rotated between positions more frequently in recent years, which makes it more difficult for them to appreciate the unique characteristics of each university, Xiong Bingqi, an education expert from the same institute as Yang, told the Global Times.
Yang added that the appointment system needs reform and autonomy of universities is an important component of education reform.
A more open process
The Ministry of Education started reforming the university president appointment system in 2011. Since then, five institutions have used an "open" recruitment process to select presidents, where a committee is formed to choose candidates, and the candidates are evaluated using a number of criteria, including interviews and public opinion polls.
Universities that have adopted this process include Northeast Normal University, the Southwest University of Finance and Economics, the Beijing University of Science and Technology, the Beijing University of Chinese Medicine and China Pharmaceutical University.
However, none of the top universities in China, such as Zhejiang University, Peking University or Tsinghua University, have opened up their university president selection processes.
Reforms allowing open recruitment for selecting presidents would be good for the sector, Xiong suggested, because administrative authorities tend to choose candidates according to administration considerations rather than academic standards and this has hampered teaching quality at universities across the country.
These reforms are likely to take some time. The Shenzhen-based South University of Science and Technology (SUST) was among the first universities to achieve a high level of autonomy after its establishment in 2011. SUST president Zhu Qingshi said that it will take a long time to change operating procedures, as it is difficult to change from a system where a high-level official always has the final say, the Nanfang Daily reported.
Xinhua contributed to this story
THAILAND: Authorities investigate World Peace 'University'
Bangkok Post06 July 2013 Issue No:279
The Department of Special Investigation (DSI)
has opened a probe of World Peace University, which seems to grant
honorary degrees in exchange for money, a practice the "university"
insists is ethical and legal.
World Peace University is under investigation by the DSI.
The DSI said it received a complaint that the operation of World
Peace cheats the public, with awards of degrees without normal
university merit.
DSI chief Tarit Pengdith said Wednesday that initial investigations indicate that the firm doing business as World Peace University has not received authorisation to operate as a university under Section 10 of the Private Higher Education Institute Act.
He said the organisation registered as World Peace Limited
Partnership (LP) but has used the word "university" in its name, logo
and other documents. Use of "university" has made the public believe it
is in fact a private university, so this limited partnership may have
violated Section 22 and Section 109 of the same act.
World Peace allegedly invites people who have done good deeds to society to receive its honorary bachelor, masters and doctorate degrees. The only requirement is minimum payment of between 15,000 and 350,000 baht, entitling the recipient to use the World Peace degree publicity.
Mr Tarit said World Peace operates a website which informs readers
that World Peace University has the same status as other universities in
the country. Therefore, it is also has violated the Computer Crime Act,
the DSI chief said.
"Our information indicates that this university cannot grant degrees
or honorary degrees, because it does not have any authority, and has not
been permitted to be established" as a university, he said. "The DSI
will look into this case and will place charges against its rector."
The World Peace website said it will hand out honorary doctorate
degrees on July 21 to around 200 people at a ceremony at the Rajamankala
University of Technology Suvarnabhumi, Nonthaburi campus.
Supanut Donchan, who identified himself as registrar and acting
rector, said World Peace was established in order to grant honorary
doctorate degrees to persons who contribute to society in fields related
to world peace, such as media, marketing and creativity.
The university has already given more than 200 such degrees to
"famous people", he said, without requiring any actual university or
other educational classes or examinations. Mr Supanut said the World
Peace degrees could not be used as academic references for job
applications.
Mr Supanut said the way World Peace operates means it is not required
to get permission from the Office of the Higher Education Commission.
He insisted that the company is protected under Section 80, Clause 3
of the 2007 Constitution (B.E. 2550) which stipulated that the
government has to develop education quality and standards to match
economic change.
"I am willing to face the DSI investigation because I believe that
the granting of honorary doctorate degrees does no harm to anyone," said
Mr Supanut.
World Peace University was investigated once before, by the National
Office of Buddhism, after a follower of the now infamous Luang Pu Nen
Kham Chattiko claimed he got a doctorate from this company.
MYANMAR: Former political prisoners denied university access
The Irrawaddy06 July 2013 Issue No:279
The university studies of 23-year-old Ye Myat Hein were interrupted in 2007 when he was imprisoned in connection with the pro-democracy Saffron Revolution. Today, more than a year after his release by Myanmar’s government as part of a mass amnesty, he is among more than a dozen would-be students who have been denied re-enrolment at the University of Yangon, write Lawi Weng and May Sitt Paing for The Irrawaddy.
The reason? Because of the time they served as political prisoners, which the government says amounts to truancy. Kyaw Thu Maung, a personal assistant to the deputy education minister, told The Irrawaddy last Tuesday that the 15 students in question were being treated in line with university policy.
“We could not allow daily university attendance to anyone who has skipped school for a long period of time,” he said. “This [rule] is not only for political prisoners, but also for others, according to the system.”
The reason? Because of the time they served as political prisoners, which the government says amounts to truancy. Kyaw Thu Maung, a personal assistant to the deputy education minister, told The Irrawaddy last Tuesday that the 15 students in question were being treated in line with university policy.
“We could not allow daily university attendance to anyone who has skipped school for a long period of time,” he said. “This [rule] is not only for political prisoners, but also for others, according to the system.”
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