Sam Rany, Ph.D. : Cambodia

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Tuesday 15 October 2013

As Next CPP President, Hun Sen’s Power to Increase

By Kuch Naren and Colin Meyn - October 15, 2013

For the fifth time in the past 20 years, Chea Sim addressed the Cambodian People’s Party Congress in March as the party’s president, a position he has held since the party changed its name to the CPP in 1991.

In his speech, 80-year-old Mr. Sim assured the some 2,000 CPP members at the congress that their long-ruling party would again win the July national election with a landslide vote, and extend their power to 2018.

–News Analysis

“During the past five years, the CPP has continued to expand and strengthen its achievements in politics, people’s minds and in control,” Mr. Sim told the congress.

It turned out that Mr. Sim’s confidence in his party’s unstinting popularity was misplaced. The CPP did officially win the election, but the party lost 22 seats in parliament to the fledgling opposition CNRP.

Despite calls for an investigation of the July vote, the CPP has pushed ahead with forming a government, which was voted in by only 68 CPP members of parliament in the National Assembly. The CNRP’s 55 lawmakers-elect boycotted the inaugural session of parliament, and are rallying support at home and abroad for their view that the new government is unconstitutional.

Though the elderly, and quite often ailing, Mr. Sim is the CPP’s supreme leader, one can hardly blame him for his party’s worst election result since 1998. The CPP’s election campaign was firmly in the hands of Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose cult of personality and personal power defines the very fabric of the party regardless of those with more senior titles.

Alongside the time-tested posters of the CPP’s leadership triumvirate—Mr. Hun Sen, Mr. Sim, and CPP National Assembly President Heng Samrin—thousands of new posters featuring a solo Hun Sen were rolled out across the country during the election campaign season.

The ruling party’s pre-election mantra also focused on the prime minister: “If you love Hun Sen, vote for the CPP.”

Now, despite the prime minister delivering a poor election result for the CPP, Mr. Hun Sen’s position within the ruling party is set to elevate when the thorny subject of a new president of the CPP becomes an issue.

“Samdech Hun Sen is the future for the CPP presidency position if Samdech Chea Sim resigns or stops from his position for any reason,” CPP lawmaker and spokesman Cheam Yeap said last week.

While, Mr. Sim is still strong enough to lead the party despite his occasional bouts of ill health, Mr. Yeap said Mr. Hun Sen is also ready to step in, and has received the support of the CPP’s 34-member standing committee, of which Mr. Yeap is a member.

“Samdech Hun Sen is already in the position as the deputy leader of the party, and no others in the party can compare with his capacity and experience in leading the party,” Mr. Yeap said.

Nguon Nhil, a CPP standing committee member and the first deputy president of the National Assembly, said that as long as Mr. Sim remained the party’s president, the official decision to name his successor would not be made.

“Samdech [Chea Sim] remains alive so it’s not proper to reveal who will be the next party’s president. But the party is already preparing who will be the next [president],” Mr. Nhil said.

Chheang Vun, a CPP lawmaker and spokesman for the National Assembly, as well as Phay Siphan, a CPP secretary of state and spokesman for the Council of Ministers, said they were not aware of future plans for the CPP presidency, and Yim Leang, deputy chief of Mr. Sim’s cabinet, declined to comment.

“I don’t know about this because it is the internal affairs of the party,” said Mr. Vun. “If Mr. Cheam Yeap has said so, he may know.”

Bou Thang, a CPP-appointed senator and member of the CPP’s standing committee, likewise said the successor to Mr. Sim was the internal affair of the party.

“Why do you want to know?” Mr. Thang said, before hanging up on a reporter.

While Mr. Hun Sen may be feeling the pressure after the surprise July election, his leadership credentials are still formidable. He oversaw, since his promotion to prime minister in 1985, the creation of a political machine that controls every state institution and maintains the loyalty of more than 95 percent of the country’s 1,633 commune chiefs.

“Hun Sen is, in terms of effectiveness and achievement for the party, much better than Chea Sim,” said independent political analyst Lao Mong Hay.

“And so far, I have seen no credible replacement,” Mr. Mong Hay said, adding that the prime minister has also succeeded in meeting the demands of a vast patronage network as he has consolidated his power.

“So far, the CPP has been able to accommodate all [of their patrons] when in power. It has been able to create public offices for them, and they have been contented, if not happy,” he said.

“The trend in the CPP is that the prime minister is very influential,” said Preap Kol, executive director of Transparency International Cambodia, adding that most of the standing committee members had won their posts by showing their loyalty to Mr. Hun Sen.

“Clearly the prime minister’s popularity has declined, but his power Still remains very solid within the party because of his alliance with the military and with the police forces. He has some family connections through marriage and all of that relationship building, so his power remains solid,” Mr. Kol added.

The CPP’s unity behind Mr. Hun Sen may give the party strength in the short-term, said Mr. Mong Hay, but concentrating power in one man carries inherent risks for the country. And while Mr. Hun Sen may retain the loyalty of powerbrokers within the party, this year’s election showed that many lower-level party “members” decided against casting their ballots for the CPP.

At the CPP congress in March, Finance Ministry Secretary of State Ouk Rabun boasted that the CPP had more than 5.9 million card-carrying party members in a population of about 9 million eligible voters.

Yet, the CPP received only about 3.2 million votes in July, meaning that self-professed ruling party members must have voted for the opposition.

“I think this 2013 vote proved that many members of CPP are not happy,” said Koul Panha, executive director of the Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia.

“If they don’t adopt a new version [of governance], the health of the party [will decline] and they will face a lot of risks,” Mr. Panha said.

“They should learn how to remain a healthy political party and create a new democratic structure—sharing of power, no fixed leadership—even communist parties in China and Vietnam do this,” he said.

“I think the CPP should look to modernize their party,” Mr. Panha said, adding, however, that in the immediate post-election period, the CPP government has “proceeded with classic or traditional behavior.”

While the CPP may have decided that Mr. Hun Sen remains their best chance to retain power, it is likely that he will have to change his leadership style in order to retain support from inside the party, said Carlyle Thayer, a Southeast Asia expert at the Australian Defense Force Academy.

“Party members will place a premium on preserving the CPP’s hold on power in the face of challenges by Sam Rainsy and the opposition. But, at the same time, party members will be giving Hun Sen close scrutiny,” he said.

“If Hun Sen in his new role as party chief [when he becomes president] disregards constructive criticism within the CPP, and concern mounts about the CPP’s future political future, we could see destabilizing in-fighting,” he added.

“But for the moment Hun Sen appears in an unassailable position in the near term.”

(Additional reporting by Hul Reaksmey)

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន អាចជាប្រធានបក្សប្រជាជននៅពេលអនាគត

ដោយ Kuch Naren and Colin Meyn - October 15, 2013

សម្រាប់ អាណត្តិទី៥ ក្នុងរយៈពេល២០ឆ្នាំមកនេះ លោក ជា ស៊ីម បានថ្លែងទៅកាន់ មហាសន្និបាត របស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា កាលពីខែមីនា ក្នុងនាមជា ប្រធានគណបក្ស ជាតំណែងដែលលោកបានកាន់តាំងពីគណបក្សនេះបានប្តូរ ឈ្មោះទៅជាគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា កាលពីឆ្នាំ១៩៩១មក។

នៅក្នុងសុន្ទរកថារបស់លោក លោក ជា ស៊ីម អាយុ៨០ឆ្នាំ បានអះអាង ប្រាប់សមាជិកគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាចំនួន២.០០០នាក់នៅមហាសន្និបាត នោះថា គណបក្សកាន់អំណាចរបស់ខ្លួននឹងឈ្នះឆ្នោតភ្លូកទឹកភ្លូកដី ម្តងទៀតនៅខែកក្កដា ហើយនឹងបន្តកាន់អំណាចរហូតដល់ឆ្នាំ២០១៨។

លោក ជា ស៊ីម បានប្រាប់មហាសន្និបាតនោះថា “ក្នុងរយៈពេលប្រាំឆ្នាំ កន្លងមកនេះ គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាបានបន្តពង្រីក និងពង្រឹង ស្នាដៃរបស់ខ្លួននៅក្នុងនយោបាយ នៅក្នុងចិត្តរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ និង នៅក្នុងការគ្រប់គ្រងប្រទេស។ ប៉ុន្តែស្ថានភាពប្រែប្រួលវិញដោយសារថា ការជឿជាក់របស់លោក ជា ស៊ីម ទៅលើប្រជាប្រិយភាពរបស់គណបក្សលោកបានបាត់បង់។ គណបក្ស ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាបានឈ្នះឆ្នោតជាផ្លូវការមែន ប៉ុន្តែ គណបក្សនេះ បាត់បង់អាសនៈរដ្ឋសភាចំនួន២២ទៅលើគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដែលទើប បង្កើតឡើង។

ថ្វីបើមានការទាមទារឲ្យមានការស៊ើបអង្កេតលើការបោះឆ្នោតកាល ពីខែកក្កដា នេះក៏ដោយ ក៏គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជានៅតែបង្កើតរដ្ឋា ភិបាលដែលត្រូវបានបោះឆ្នោតគាំទ្រដោយសមាជិករដ្ឋសភាជាប់ឆ្នោត របស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាតែ៦៨រូបប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ សមាជិកសភាជាប់ ឆ្នោត៥៥រូបរបស់គណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិបានធ្វើពហិការសម័យប្រជុំសភា លើកដំបូង និងកំពុងប្រមូលការគាំទ្រទាំងនៅក្នុងស្រុក និងនៅក្រៅ ប្រទេស ចំពោះទស្សនរបស់ខ្លួនដែលថា រដ្ឋាភិបាលថ្មីនេះមិនស្របតាម រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ។

ថ្វីបើលោក ជា ស៊ីម ប្រធានគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាមានវ័យចំណាស់ និងមានជំងឺជាញឹកញាប់ក៏ដោយ ក៏គ្មាននរណាម្នាក់អាចបន្ទោសលោក ចំពោះលទ្ធផលមិនល្អនៃការបោះឆ្នោតនេះដែរចាប់តាំងពីឆ្នាំ១៩៩៨ មក។ យុទ្ធនាការឃោសនាបោះឆ្នោតរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាស្ថិតនៅ ក្នុងកណ្តាប់ដៃលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ទាំងស្រុង ហើយអំណាច នយោបាយ និងអំណាចផ្ទាល់ខ្លួនរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន គឺជាអ្នកកំណត់រចនា សម្ព័ន្ធនៃគណបក្សនេះ ដោយមិនគិតពីអ្នកដែលមានតួនាទីខ្ពស់ជាង នោះទេ។

រួមជាមួយនឹងប៉ាណូឃោសនាដែលមានរូបមេដឹកនាំគណបក្សប្រជាជន កម្ពុជាទាំងបីរូបគឺ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន លោក ជា ស៊ីម និងលោក ហេង សំរិន ប្រធាន រដ្ឋសភានោះ មានប៉ាណូថ្មីៗរាប់ពាន់ដែលបង្ហាញពីរូបលោក ហ៊ុន សែន ម្នាក់ឯងត្រូវបានដាក់នៅទូទាំងប្រទេសអំឡុងពេលធ្វើយុទ្ធនាការឃោស នាបោះឆ្នោត។

ពាក្យស្លោករបស់គណបក្សកាន់អំណាចមុនការបោះឆ្នោត ក៏ផ្តោតលើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីដែរ នោះគឺពាក្យស្លោកដែលគេស្រែក ថា “ប្រសិនបើបងប្អូនស្រឡាញ់ ហ៊ុន សែន សូមបោះឆ្នោតឲ្យគណបក្សប្រជាជន កម្ពុជា”។ ឥឡូវនេះ ថ្វីបើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីធ្វើឲ្យគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ទទួលបានលទ្ធផលមិនល្អក្នុងការបោះឆ្នោតនេះក៏ដោយ ក៏តួនាទីរបស់ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅក្នុងគណបក្សកាន់អំណាចគ្រោងនឹងដំឡើងផងដែរ នៅពេល ដែលប្រធានថ្មីរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាមានបញ្ហា។

លោក ជាម យៀប តំណាងរាស្ត្រគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា និងជាអ្នកនាំ ពាក្យបានមានប្រសាសន៍កាលពីសប្តាហ៍មុនថា “សម្តេច ហ៊ុន សែន គឺជា អនាគតប្រធានគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ប្រសិនបើសម្តេច ជា ស៊ីម លាលែងពី តំណែង ឬឈប់ពីតំណែងរបស់សម្តេចដោយសារហេតុផលណាមួយ”។

ខណៈដែល លោក ជា ស៊ីម នៅតែរឹងមាំអាចដឹកនាំគណបក្សបាន ទោះលោកមានជំងឺ ម្តងម្កាលក៏ដោយ ក៏លោក ជាម យៀប បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ក៏ ត្រៀមខ្លួនរួចហើយដែរ ដើម្បីធ្វើជាប្រធានគណបក្ស និងបានទទួលការ គាំទ្រពីគណៈកម្មាធិការអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍ ដែលមានសមាជិក៣៤រូបរបស់គណបក្ស ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ហើយនៅ ក្នុងនោះ លោក ជាម យៀប ក៏ជាសមាជិកម្នាក់ ដែរ។

លោក ជាម យៀប បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “សម្តេច ហ៊ុន សែន ជាអនុប្រធានគណ បក្សស្រាប់ ហើយគ្មានអ្នកផ្សេងនៅក្នុងគណបក្សអាចប្រៀបធៀប ជាមួយសមត្ថភាព និងបទពិសោធរបស់សម្តេចនៅក្នុងការដឹកនាំគណបក្សនេះ បានទេ”។

លោក ងួន ញ៉ិល សមាជិកគណៈកម្មាធិការអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍គណបក្សប្រជាជន កម្ពុជា និងជាអនុប្រធានទី១រដ្ឋសភាបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា ដរាបណាលោក ជា ស៊ីម នៅតែជាប្រធានគណបក្សនោះ មិនត្រូវមានសេចក្តីសម្រេចជា ផ្លូវការ ដើម្បីតែងតាំងអ្នកស្នងលោកទេ។ លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “សម្តេច ជា ស៊ីម នៅមានព្រះជន្មនៅឡើយ ដូច្នេះវា មិនត្រឹមត្រូវទេក្នុងការបង្ហាញពីអ្នកដែលត្រូវឡើងធ្វើជាប្រធាន ថ្មីរបស់គណបក្សនេះ។ ប៉ុន្តែ គណបក្សបានត្រៀមអ្នកឡើងធ្វើជា ប្រធានថ្មីរួចហើយ”។

លោក ឈាង វុន សមាជិកសភាគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា និងជាអ្នកនាំពាក្យ រដ្ឋសភា ព្រមទាំងលោក ផៃ ស៊ីផាន រដ្ឋលេខាធិការមកពីគណបក្សប្រជា ជនកម្ពុជា និងជាអ្នកនាំពាក្យទីស្តីការគណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីបានមាន ប្រសាសន៍ថា លោកមិនដឹងពីផែនការនៅពេលអនាគត សម្រាប់តំណែងប្រធានគណ បក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាទេ ហើយលោក យឹម លាង អនុប្រធានខុទ្ទកាល័យរបស់លោក ជា ស៊ីម បានបដិសេធមិនធ្វើអត្ថាធិប្បាយ។

លោក ឈាង វុន បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ខ្ញុំមិនដឹងអំពីរឿងនេះទេ ពីព្រោះ វាជាកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្ស។ ប្រសិនបើលោកជាម យៀប បាន និយាយដូច្នេះ គាត់ប្រហែលជាដឹងហើយ”។

លោក ប៊ូ ថង សមាជិកព្រឹទ្ធសភាដែលតែងតាំងដោយគណបក្សប្រជា ជនកម្ពុជា និងជាសមាជិកគណៈកម្មាធិការអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍របស់គណបក្សប្រជា ជនកម្ពុជាបានមានប្រសាសន៍ស្រដៀងគ្នានេះថា អ្នកស្នងលោក ជា ស៊ីម គឺ ជាកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់គណបក្ស។ លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍មុនពេល បិទការហៅទូរស័ព្ទពីអ្នកយកព័ត៌មានថា “ ហេតុអ្វីបានជាអ្នកចង់ ដឹង?”។

ខណៈដែលលោក ហ៊ុន សែន ប្រហែលជាដឹងថា មានសម្ពាធបន្ទាប់ពីការបោះ ឆ្នោតដ៏គួរឲ្យភ្ញាក់ផ្អើលកាលពីខែកក្កដានោះ បទពិសោធដឹកនាំ របស់លោកនៅតែខ្លាំង។ ចាប់តាំងពីលោកបានធ្វើជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៨៥ លោកគឺជាអ្នកត្រួតពិនិត្យលើការបង្កើតយន្តការនយោ បាយ ដែលគ្រប់គ្រងគ្រប់ស្ថាប័នរដ្ឋទាំងអស់ និងរក្សាបាននូវភាព ស្មោះត្រង់របស់មេឃំុ និងចៅសង្កាត់ជាង៩៥ភាគរយ ក្នុងចំណោមមេ ឃុំនិងចៅសង្កាត់ចំនួន១.៦៣៣នៅទូទាំងប្រទេស។

លោក ឡៅ ម៉ុងហៃ អ្នកវិភាគនយោបាយឯករាជ្យបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “បើ និយាយពីប្រសិទ្ធភាព និងស្នាដៃសម្រាប់គណបក្ស ហ៊ុន សែន ល្អជាង ជា ស៊ីម”។ លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ហើយរហូតមកទល់ពេលនេះ ខ្ញុំមិនឃើញមានអ្នក ជំនួសគួរឲ្យទុកចិត្តទេ”។ លោកបានបន្ថែមថា នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក៏បាន ទទួលជោគជ័យចំពោះការឆ្លើយតបនឹងតម្រូវការរបស់បណ្តាញអ្នកគាំទ្រ ជាច្រើនផងដែរ ព្រោះលោកបានពង្រឹងអំណាចរបស់លោក។ លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “រហូតមកទល់ពេលនេះគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា អាចទទួលយកអ្នកគាំទ្ររបស់ខ្លួនទាំងអស់នៅពេលកាន់អំណាច។ គណបក្ស នេះអាចបង្កើតតំណែងសម្រាប់ពួកគេ ហើយពួកគេត្រូវបានធ្វើឲ្យ សប្បាយចិត្ត ប្រសិនបើពួកគេមិនសប្បាយចិត្ត”។

លោក ព្រាប កុល នាយកប្រតិបត្តិអង្គការតម្លាភាពកម្ពុជាបានមាន ប្រសាសន៍ថា “និន្នាការនៅក្នុងគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាគឺ ថានាយករដ្ឋ មន្ត្រីមានឥទ្ធិពលខ្លាំងណាស់”។ លោកបានបន្ថែមថា សមាជិកភាគច្រើននៃ គណៈកម្មាធិការអចិន្ត្រៃុយ៍នេះបានទទួលតួនាទីរបស់ខ្លួនតាមរយៈការ បង្ហាញភាពស្មោះត្រង់ចំពោះ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន។

លោក ព្រាប កុល បានបន្ថែមទៀតថា “ប្រជាប្រិយភាពរបស់នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីពិតជាបានធ្លាក់ចុះមែន ប៉ុន្តែ លោកនៅតែមានអំណាចរឹងមាំនៅក្នុងគណបក្សនេះ ដោយសារលោក មានទំនាក់ទំនងជាមួយយោធា និងកងកម្លាំងនគរបាល។ លោកមានទំនាក់ ទំនងគ្រួសារមួយចំនួនតាមរយៈអាពាហ៍ពិពាហ៍ និងតាមរយៈការបង្កើត មិត្តភាពទាំងអស់នោះ ដូច្នេះអំណាចរបស់លោកនៅតែរឹងមាំ”។

លោក ឡៅ ម៉ុងហៃ បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា ឯកភាពរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជន កម្ពុជានៅពីក្រោយលោក ហ៊ុន សែន អាចធ្វើឲ្យគណបក្សនេះខ្លាំងក្នុង រយៈពេលខ្លី ប៉ុន្តែ ការប្រមូលផ្តុំអំណាចនៅលើមនុស្សម្នាក់ធ្វើឲ្យ ប្រទេសជាតិជួបហានិភ័យ។ ហើយទោះបីជាលោក ហ៊ុន សែន អាចរក្សាភាព ស្មោះត្រង់របស់អ្នកមានអំណាចនៅក្នុងគណបក្សនេះក៏ដោយ ក៏ការ បោះឆ្នោតនៅឆ្នាំនេះបង្ហាញថា សមាជិកថ្នាក់ក្រោមជាច្រើនរបស់គណ បក្សនេះមិនបានបោះឆ្នោតឲ្យគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាទេ។

នៅឯមហាសន្និបាតគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាកាលពីខែមីនានេះ លោក អ៊ុក រ៉ាប៊ុន រដ្ឋលេខាធិការក្រសួងសេដ្ឋកិច្ច និងហិរញ្ញវត្ថុបាន អួតថា គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាមានសមាជិកកាន់កាតគណបក្សចំនួន៥,៩ លាននាក់ ក្នុងចំណោមអ្នកមានសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតប្រហែល៩លាននាក់។ ទោះជាយ៉ាងណា គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាទទួលបានសំឡេងឆ្នោតប្រហែល៣,២ លានប៉ុណ្ណោះ កាលពីខែកក្កដា មានន័យថា សមាជិកគណបក្សកាន់អំណាចប្រហែល ជាបោះឆ្នោតឲ្យគណបក្សប្រឆាំង។

លោក គល់ បញ្ញា នាយកប្រតិបត្តិគណៈកម្មាធិការដើម្បីការបោះឆ្នោត ដោយសេរី និងយុត្តិធម៌នៅកម្ពុជា បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ខ្ញុំគិតថា ការ បោះឆ្នោតឆ្នាំ២០១៣នេះ បង្ហាញថា សមាជិកជាច្រើនរបស់គណបក្សប្រជា ជនកម្ពុជាមិនសប្បាយចិត្តទេ។ ប្រសិនបើពួកគេមិនតែងតាំងថ្នាក់ ដឹកនាំរដ្ឋាភិបាលថ្មី ប្រជាប្រិយភាពរបស់គណបក្សនេះនឹងធ្លាក់ ចុះ ហើយពួកគេនឹងប្រឈមបញ្ហាជាច្រើន”។

លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ពួកគេគួរតែរៀនរបៀបធ្វើឲ្យគណបក្សនៅ រឹងមាំ និងបង្កើតរចនាសម្ព័ន្ធប្រជាធិបតេយ្យថ្មី ដូចជាការបែង ចែកអំណាច ផ្លាស់ប្តូរមេដឹកនាំ។សូម្បីតែគណបក្សកុម្មុយនីស្តនៅ ចិន និងវៀតណាមក៏ប្តូរមេដឹកនាំដែរ”។ លោក គល់ បញ្ញា បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “ ខ្ញុំគិតថា គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា គួរតែព្យាយាមកែប្រែគណបក្សរបស់ខ្លួនឲ្យទំនើប”។ ប៉ុន្តែលោកបាន បន្ថែមថា មិនយូរប៉ុន្មានក្រោយពីការបោះឆ្នោត រដ្ឋាភិបាលរបស់គណ បក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាបានបន្តឥរិយាបថចាស់ដដែល។

លោក ខាលីល ថេយ័រ អ្នកជំនាញផ្នែកអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍នៅបណ្ឌិត្យយសភាកង ទ័ពការពារជាតិអូស្ត្រាលីបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា ទោះបីជាគណបក្សប្រជា ជនកម្ពុជាប្រហែលជាបានសម្រេចថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅតែជាមនុស្សល្អ បំផុតរបស់ពួកគេ ដើម្បីរក្សាអំណាចក៏ដោយ ក៏លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ត្រូវ ប្តូររបៀបដឹកនាំរបស់លោកដែរ ដើម្បីរក្សាការគាំទ្រក្នុងគណបក្ស នេះ។

លោកបានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា “សមាជិកគណបក្សនឹងពិចារណាអំពីការការពារ អំណាចរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ក្នុងការប្រកួតប្រជែងជាមួយ លោក សម រង្ស៊ី និងគណបក្សប្រឆាំង។ ប៉ុន្តែ នៅពេលជាមួយគ្នានោះដែរ សមាជិកគណបក្សត្រូវពិនិត្យមើលលោក ហ៊ុន សែន ឲ្យបានដិតដល់”។ លោកបានបន្ថែមថា “ ប្រសិនបើ ហ៊ុន សែន កាន់តួនាទីថ្មីជាប្រធានគណ បក្ស [នៅពេលលោកក្លាយជាប្រធាន] មិនទទួលស្គាល់ការរិះគន់ក្នុងន័យ ស្ថាបនានៅក្នុងគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា និងមានកង្វល់កាន់តែ ច្រើនអំពីអនាគតនយោបាយរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជានោះ យើងអាចមើល ឃើញភាពរង្គោះរង្គើរផ្ទៃក្នុង។ ប៉ុន្តែ សម្រាប់ពេលនេះ ហ៊ុន សែន ហាក់ដូចជាមានគោលជំហររឹងមាំក្នុងរយៈពេលខ្លី”៕

(រាយការណ៍បន្ថែមដោយ ហ៊ុល រស្មី)
ប្រែសម្រួលដោយ មូល គឹមហឿន

© 2013, ខេមបូឌា ដេលី. រក្សាសិទ្ធិគ្រប់យ៉ាង។ មិន អនុញ្ញាតឲ្យដកស្រង់នូវផ្នែកណាមួយ នៃការចេញផ្សាយនេះ តាមរយៈការបោះពុម្ព តាមប្រព័ន្ធអេឡិចត្រូនិច ផ្សាយតាមរលកធាតុអាកាស សរសេរឡើងវិញ ឬចែកចាយដោយគ្មានការយល់ព្រមជាលាយលក្ខណ៍អក្សរពី ចាងហ្វាងការផ្សាយឡើយ។

Sunday 13 October 2013

Unicef Says Girls’ Access to Education Limited

By Denise Hruby - October 12, 2013 (The Cambodia Daily)

Despite progress having been made in recent years to improve girls’ access to education, there is still a gender-based inequality, particularly in rural areas, children’s rights experts said on the International Day of the Girl Child on Friday.

“At the moment there is still a slight gender gap in upper-secondary education and more so in higher education, but if we manage to keep girls in schools, we can expect that these gender gaps will also reduce considerably in the near future,” a Unicef spokeswoman said in an email, adding that access to education had improved considerably.

“In early childhood, primary, lower secondary as well as upper secondary, there is no major difference between boys and girls in Cambodia,” Unicef said.

In 2005/2006, 12.1 percent of girls dropped out of primary school, which was down to 8.7 percent in 2011/2012, according to data from the national Educational Management Information System. Figures also improved for upper secondary school, which dropped to 10.7 percent from 15.7 percent in six years.

The increase in school attendance, according to Unicef, was partly due to an overall economic improvement, and an increase in the number of schools around the country. The number of teachers also increased from about 78,500 in 2005/2006 to 84,500 last school year.

Still, Chuon Chamroang, head of local rights group Adhoc’s women’s program, said that many Cambodian girls do not have access to higher levels of education because they are expected to stay at home.

“The cultural concept is still that girls and women stay at home. So the girls are kept at home to help their family and do housework rather than sending them to school or university,” she said, adding that it was slowly changing.

“In the past few years, it’s become less and less of a problem,” she said.

CPP Spokesman Denies Wanting Rainsy to Die in Plane Crash

By Mech Dara and Lauren Crothers - October 12, 2013

Introducing a sinister new edge to the country’s ongoing political tension, CPP lawmaker and party spokesman Cheam Yeap on Thursday raised the question as to why opposition party leader Sam Rainsy had not yet died in a plane crash.

However, Mr. Yeap denied on Friday that he wished to see the opposition leader’s death, but had simply raised the question because of Mr. Rainsy’s frequent international air travel and the “turmoil” he had caused the country.

In a radio interview on Thursday, Mr. Yeap took aim at the CNRP president’s politicking and the quality of the time he spends in Cambodia when he is not abroad. Mr. Rainsy is currently on an international tour to press foreign governments and aid donors to cease recognition of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s newly formed government.

“I am wondering why Sam Rainsy has such [bad] ideas,” Mr. Yeap said in the radio interview. “While flying, why doesn’t the plane he is boarding crash to his death?”

Mr. Yeap added: “And the second is that when [the plane is] landing, he causes all kinds of turmoil to Cambodia. That is why the Cambodian people name the Cambodia National Rescue Party the Boss of Demonstrations.”

Contacted by telephone, Mr. Yeap strenuously denied that his comment about a plane crash constituted a threat against Mr. Rainsy, claiming instead that his words had been misrepresented and taken out of context. Mr. Yeap said that he was simply referring to angels and justly deserved divine intervention for Mr. Rainsy’s wicked political ways.

“I did not curse him,” Mr. Yeap said.

“I did not pray [that Sam Rainsy’s plane would fall from the sky] but if the angels see this, he would face danger,” he said.

“I just mentioned that Sam Rainsy had such ideas to betray the people, the nation, so someday the angels might see, so he needs to be careful. We did not threaten Sam Rainsy—we just informed the public.”

Mr. Rainsy is abroad and could not be reached for comment, but CNRP spokesman Yim Sovann was unimpressed with Mr. Yeap’s remarks.

“Respected politicians never speak like that,” he said. “What we have done is for the interests of the people.”

“Of course it’s incitement, but we do not pay attention to that…. Let the people listen to what he said. In 2018, he will be judged by the people,” Mr. Sovann added, referring to the next national election.

Mr. Yeap’s comment was not the first of its kind.

Prime Minister Hun Sen has in the past alluded to otherworldly entities, claiming in 2011 that “spirits” could break necks to punish his critics. In 2005, he also warned a member of the Sisowath royal family and other would-be rebels to prepare their wills and coffins, because he would “smash” them if they tried to foment an uprising over border demarcation with Vietnam.

Dr. Sok Touch, rector of the Khemarak University and an independent political analyst, said commenting on Mr. Rainsy’s demise in a plane crash had been unsportsmanlike and could cause instability at a time when tensions are running high.

“They should not use these words, because politicians need to maintain themselves as sportsmen when they go into the ring…. This would bring civil war because of the war-like words,” he said.

“When the political deadlock reaches high tensions, politicians should not use impolite words to another party—this will make the political deadlock become even more tense.”

Tuesday 8 October 2013

Sugar Industry Highlights Conflicts Over Trade Pacts and Land

By The New York Time

By KEITH BRADSHER

Published: September 30, 2013

Photo: Thomas Cristofoletti for The New York Times

Activists have called for the exclusion of Cambodian sugar from duty-free treatment in Europe, saying that it triggers corporate land grabs. Above, a worker harvesting sugar at a Phnom Penh Sugar plantation.

OMLIANG COMMUNE, Cambodia — Yim Lon nurses bitter memories of how three years ago the local authorities forced her and her family to dismantle their small home and move it to make way for a sugar plantation.

The Phnom Penh Sugar Company paid her a few hundred dollars, less than a tenth of what Ms. Yim, 53, says she believes the family’s small plot of farmland was worth. She dreams of being allowed to move their two-room house, made of wood planks and steel siding, back to the site near a stream where they used to grow rice. She is convinced that the other culprits are the Europeans, who buy sugar from Phnom Penh Sugar. “If Europe continues buying sugar from the company, then we will continue suffering,” she said.

Phnom Penh Sugar says that it has behaved fairly and obeyed local laws. Newly created sugar plantations across Cambodia have created thousands of cash-paying jobs for destitute migrant workers and subsistence farmers, and hundreds of jobs for skilled factory workers.

But the corporate practice in Cambodia of obtaining tens of thousands of acres from the government as economic development concessions for large sugar plantations, while paying modest compensation to farmers pushed off the land, places a harsh light on international trade pacts that are meant to help the world’s poorest countries.

To many activists who have heard the tales of people like Ms. Yim, the trade pacts that foster exports can have the unintended effect of encouraging land grabs by wealthy, politically connected families.

Nearly all of Cambodia’s sugar exports go to the European Union under the Everything But Arms program, which eliminates import duties for the sugar. The European Union also sets high minimum prices for imported sugar, well above world levels. Western activists have tried in recent months to organize consumer boycotts against companies that have bought Cambodian sugar, notably Tate & Lyle Sugars, which is owned by American Sugar Refining of West Palm Beach, Fla.

The European Union has held high-level talks with Cambodian officials about the sugar issue. But it has refrained so far from opening a formal investigation into whether Cambodian sugar should lose duty-free access to the European Union.

In a written response to questions, Ambassador Jean-François Cautain, the head of the European Union’s delegation to Cambodia, pointed to statistical measures. Rising exports helped Cambodia triple average annual income per person in the last decade, to $980, while reducing poverty to a fifth of the country’s population, he wrote. “We also need to consider the benefits the overall Cambodian economy gets from the ‘Everything But Arms’ scheme and the harm the country would suffer if we remove it,” he wrote.

Western and Cambodian activists have called for the exclusion of Cambodian sugar from duty-free treatment in Europe, saying that it triggers corporate land grabs.

“The land is deeply connected to the spiritual life of the people,” said Chum Narin, the land and natural resources program head at the Community Legal Education Center, a nonprofit group in Phnom Penh.

American Sugar Refining said that its Tate & Lyle unit had bought only two “small shipments” over the years from Cambodia. The first was in May 2011 and the second in June 2012, the company said. It also said that it “has not received Cambodian sugar for over a year and has no plans for further purchases.”

Both of American Sugar’s purchases were from the KSL Group, another company producing sugar in Cambodia. Phnom Penh Sugar said that it sold sugar to businesses in Spain and Italy, but it declined to identify the buyers.

Sugar represented only $25.2 million of the $1.34 billion in Cambodian products that the European Union bought in the first six months of this year. Most of the European imports from Cambodia are garments.

But the developing sugar industry has created jobs chopping sugar cane for previously destitute migrant workers from hill villages even poorer than Omliang Commune. Sugar refineries have also brought multimillion-dollar investments, roads and other amenities to remote areas where investors have long feared to venture in an oftentimes chaotic country like Cambodia.

Saturday 31 August 2013

Mass Demonstration or Violent Crackdown—Lose-Lose for All

By The Cambodia Daily - August 14, 2013

By Kimly Ngoun

This opinion is apolitical. I write out of concern for the Cambodian people and the country.

The news of a possible opposition CNRP-led mass demonstration and the CPP’s response to deploy armed forces and armored personnel carriers (APCs) in and around Phnom Penh looks like both political camps are heading toward confrontation.

Even more worrisome are the contradictory statements from within the CNRP and the ruling party about their respective intentions. If a mass demonstration takes place and the government reacts with force, both political parties and the country as a whole will lose.

If there is a mass protest, the big question for the CNRP is how to keep it peaceful? How can it guarantee control over every protesters’ movement, gestures and words? Any provocative move or slogan from a few demonstrators may invite a response from the armed forces with the potential to inflame chaos and violence. If such a scenario were to occur, the CNRP’s leaders would be held, if not legally, morally responsible for casualties and loss of lives.

The CNRP will surely disappoint many of its supporters who voted for “change,” but change in a sense for a more peaceful, prosperous, just and civilized nation, not a change to violence, tragedy and backwardness.

If the CPP uses force to suppress demonstrators, it faces three major risks. Firstly, the party’s leaders may be liable to prosecution by either local or international courts. Secondly, if the violent crackdown fails to scare people away and reduce the number of demonstrators but instead inspires more people to take to the streets, this could spillover to other provinces throughout the country.

Some of the CPP’s officials and members of the military and the police (especially those mid-level and low-ranking officers) will have to ask themselves the question—should I stay or should I go? Any defection by members of the ruling party and the military will greatly damage the government’s legitimacy; affect the psychology of those who stay and possibly provide an excuse for foreign countries to intervene militarily.

If there are tens or hundreds of thousands of people joining the demonstration, it would not be surprising for the soldiers and police to find their friends and relatives among the protesters.

Thirdly, violent action will tarnish the ruling party’s image as the guardian of peace and political stability.

History has informed us that negotiation and settling of disputes by peaceful means is the door to lasting peace and social harmony. Violent means cause revenge and tragedy.

Cambodian voters regardless of political tendencies value peace, social harmony and the country’s prosperity. And they have already fulfilled their obligation as a good citizen by voting.

Now it is the turn of the leaders of both parties to demonstrate that they truly care about: the people and the country. The world is watching Cambodia. Let us prove that we are a civilized race and a responsible world citizen by resolving the standoff peacefully.

Kimly Ngoun is a postgraduate student at the Australian National University, Canberra.

An Arab-Style ‘Cambodian Spring’ Could be Disastrous

By The Cambodia Daily - August 19, 2013

By Samir Pheng

Following the recent election results, a new concept is starting to bloom: the Cambodian Spring. Although filled with optimism, the idea of transposing the Arab Spring to Cambodia should be taken with a pinch of salt.

In December 2010, “flowers” blossomed in the harsh Mediterranean sun of Tunisia then Egypt followed by Bahrain, Yemen, Libya, Syria and many Arab countries soon after. Arabs followed the mesmerizing songs of change and democracy trusting they would soon lead to a better life. As curious as Pandora opening a forbidden box bestowed by Zeus, the people expected democracy to become a panacea for all their troubles. In the heat of the moment Mohamed Bouazizi’s immolation kickstarted the revolution and everyone took to the street.

French political scientist Michel Dobry speaks of desectorialization in Egypt meaning that workers of every sector converged their frustrations into a massive protest movement. Like a B-rated Hollywood movie, the bad guy (the long standing dictators) lost to the good guys played by Democracy. Happy endings and let’s grab a beer anyone? As much as I wished this story to be true, reality shows a much grimmer and more violent face.

Tunisia has failed to recover from former President Ben Ali’s fall and the political situation has been unstable since. Unemployment rates have risen as the fragile state has been unable to establish a solid economic structure. As a result, foreign investors are reluctant to set foot in a country with a weak legal and political framework. And Tunisia is probably the one country from the Arab uprisings with glimmers of hope.

Egypt initially placed its optimism in the figure of President Mohamed Morsi but he has failed to negotiate a peace agreement with the military. To his own detriment, one might say after the latter seized and imprisoned him. The inability to create a stable political climate has many economical consequences. Vice Minister of Finance Hary Kadri Dimian is still not able to broker a loan agreement with the International Monetary Fund. Wheat reserve is at its lowest point since importation has slowed considerably meaning Egypt could face another food riot. Evaporating investments, scared tourists: A once attractive country with its gold sands and mighty pyramids has become the scene of gruesome showdowns.

Libya and Syria? What can be said? One has become a haven for radical Islamists looking to restore Shariah law while the other sees President Bashar al-Assad sharpening his meat cleavers every day. He might fall one day but chances are the butchering will not stop there. Overzealous partisans of democracy like to put in the limelight the inevitable democratic transitions whenever they see a glimpse of change. But what follows is not always rainbows and butterflies.

The way we instill change can either mean: Establishing legitimate democratic institutions recognized not only by the West but also the people and its leaders. Or, destroying existing structures to establish newer, untested ones.

Every government has its flaws but it is through constant institutional confrontations, negotiations and eventual compromise that change should be brought about. The nature of change whether it is through peace or violence also dictates the nature of the outcome.

A Cambodian Spring—Arab style—could produce irreversible consequences. Our country should not make another dreadful copy of a Western song, especially one that sold so badly in Arab countries.

Samir Pheng is a graduate student at Sciences Po Bordeaux.

Sam Rany, Ph.D.

Tuesday 15 October 2013

As Next CPP President, Hun Sen’s Power to Increase

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន អាចជាប្រធានបក្សប្រជាជននៅពេលអនាគត

អត្ថបទថ្មីៗ

Sunday 13 October 2013

Unicef Says Girls’ Access to Education Limited

CPP Spokesman Denies Wanting Rainsy to Die in Plane Crash

Tuesday 8 October 2013

Sugar Industry Highlights Conflicts Over Trade Pacts and Land

By KEITH BRADSHER

Published: September 30, 2013

Photo: Thomas Cristofoletti for The New York Times

Activists have called for the exclusion of Cambodian sugar from duty-free treatment in Europe, saying that it triggers corporate land grabs. Above, a worker harvesting sugar at a Phnom Penh Sugar plantation.

Saturday 31 August 2013

Mass Demonstration or Violent Crackdown—Lose-Lose for All

An Arab-Style ‘Cambodian Spring’ Could be Disastrous

China's Confucius Institutes flourish in ASEAN after West's freeze-out (西方冷落后中国孔子学院在东盟蓬勃发展)

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Tuesday 15 October 2013

អត្ថបទ​ថ្មីៗ

Sunday 13 October 2013

Tuesday 8 October 2013

By KEITH BRADSHER

Published: September 30, 2013

Photo: Thomas Cristofoletti for The New York Times

Activists have called for the exclusion of Cambodian sugar from duty-free treatment in Europe, saying that it triggers corporate land grabs. Above, a worker harvesting sugar at a Phnom Penh Sugar plantation.

Saturday 31 August 2013

អត្ថបទថ្មីៗ