Showing posts with label Cambodia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cambodia. Show all posts

Tuesday 15 October 2013

As Next CPP President, Hun Sen’s Power to Increase

By and - October 15, 2013

For the fifth time in the past 20 years, Chea Sim addressed the Cambodian People’s Party Congress in March as the party’s president, a position he has held since the party changed its name to the CPP in 1991.

In his speech, 80-year-old Mr. Sim assured the some 2,000 CPP members at the congress that their long-ruling party would again win the July national election with a landslide vote, and extend their power to 2018. 

–News Analysis
“During the past five years, the CPP has continued to expand and strengthen its achievements in politics, people’s minds and in control,” Mr. Sim told the congress.

It turned out that Mr. Sim’s confidence in his party’s unstinting popularity was misplaced. The CPP did officially win the election, but the party lost 22 seats in parliament to the fledgling opposition CNRP.

Despite calls for an investigation of the July vote, the CPP has pushed ahead with forming a government, which was voted in by only 68 CPP members of parliament in the National Assembly. The CNRP’s 55 lawmakers-elect boycotted the inaugural session of parliament, and are rallying support at home and abroad for their view that the new government is unconstitutional.

Though the elderly, and quite often ailing, Mr. Sim is the CPP’s supreme leader, one can hardly blame him for his party’s worst election result since 1998. The CPP’s election campaign was firmly in the hands of Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose cult of personality and personal power defines the very fabric of the party regardless of those with more senior titles.

Alongside the time-tested posters of the CPP’s leadership triumvirate—Mr. Hun Sen, Mr. Sim, and CPP National Assembly President Heng Samrin—thousands of new posters featuring a solo Hun Sen were rolled out across the country during the election campaign season.
The ruling party’s pre-election mantra also focused on the prime minister: “If you love Hun Sen, vote for the CPP.”

Now, despite the prime minister delivering a poor election result for the CPP, Mr. Hun Sen’s position within the ruling party is set to elevate when the thorny subject of a new president of the CPP becomes an issue.

“Samdech Hun Sen is the future for the CPP presidency position if Samdech Chea Sim resigns or stops from his position for any reason,” CPP lawmaker and spokesman Cheam Yeap said last week.
While, Mr. Sim is still strong enough to lead the party despite his occasional bouts of ill health, Mr. Yeap said Mr. Hun Sen is also ready to step in, and has re­ceived the support of the CPP’s 34-member standing committee, of which Mr. Yeap is a member.

“Samdech Hun Sen is already in the position as the deputy leader of the party, and no others in the party can compare with his capacity and experience in leading the party,” Mr. Yeap said.
Nguon Nhil, a CPP standing committee member and the first deputy president of the National Assembly, said that as long as Mr. Sim remained the party’s president, the official decision to name his successor would not be made.

Samdech [Chea Sim] remains alive so it’s not proper to reveal who will be the next party’s president. But the party is already preparing who will be the next [president],” Mr. Nhil said.
Chheang Vun, a CPP lawmaker and spokesman for the National Assembly, as well as Phay Siphan, a CPP secretary of state and spokesman for the Council of Ministers, said they were not aware of future plans for the CPP presidency, and Yim Leang, deputy chief of Mr. Sim’s cabinet, declined to comment.

“I don’t know about this be­cause it is the internal affairs of the party,” said Mr. Vun. “If Mr. Cheam Yeap has said so, he may know.”

Bou Thang, a CPP-appointed senator and member of the CPP’s standing committee, likewise said the successor to Mr. Sim was the internal affair of the party.

“Why do you want to know?” Mr. Thang said, before hanging up on a reporter.
While Mr. Hun Sen may be feeling the pressure after the surprise July election, his leadership credentials are still formidable. He oversaw, since his promotion to prime minister in 1985, the creation of a political machine that controls every state institution and maintains the loyalty of more than 95 percent of the country’s 1,633 commune chiefs.
“Hun Sen is, in terms of effectiveness and achievement for the party, much better than Chea Sim,” said independent political analyst Lao Mong Hay.

“And so far, I have seen no credible replacement,” Mr. Mong Hay said, adding that the prime minister has also succeeded in meeting the demands of a vast patronage network as he has consolidated his power.

“So far, the CPP has been able to accommodate all [of their patrons] when in power. It has been able to create public offices for them, and they have been contented, if not happy,” he said.
“The trend in the CPP is that the prime minister is very influential,” said Preap Kol, executive director of Transparency International Cambodia, adding that most of the standing committee members had won their posts by showing their loyalty to Mr. Hun Sen.

“Clearly the prime minister’s popularity has declined, but his power Still remains very solid within the party because of his alliance with the military and with the police forces. He has some family connections through marriage and all of that relationship building, so his power remains solid,” Mr. Kol added.

The CPP’s unity behind Mr. Hun Sen may give the party strength in the short-term, said Mr. Mong Hay, but concentrating power in one man carries inherent risks for the country. And while Mr. Hun Sen may retain the loyalty of powerbrokers within the party, this year’s election showed that many lower-level party “members” decided against casting their ballots for the CPP.
At the CPP congress in March, Finance Ministry Secretary of State Ouk Rabun boasted that the CPP had more than 5.9 million card-carrying party members in a population of about 9 million eligible voters.

Yet, the CPP received only about 3.2 million votes in July, meaning that self-professed ruling party members must have voted for the opposition.

“I think this 2013 vote proved that many members of CPP are not happy,” said Koul Panha, executive director of the Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia.
“If they don’t adopt a new version [of governance], the health of the party [will decline] and they will face a lot of risks,” Mr. Panha said.

“They should learn how to remain a healthy political party and create a new democratic structure—sharing of power, no fixed leadership—even communist parties in China and Vietnam do this,” he said.

“I think the CPP should look to modernize their party,” Mr. Panha said, adding, however, that in the immediate post-election period, the CPP government has “proceeded with classic or traditional behavior.”

While the CPP may have decided that Mr. Hun Sen remains their best chance to retain power, it is likely that he will have to change his leadership style in order to retain support from inside the party, said Carlyle Thayer, a Southeast Asia expert at the Australian Defense Force Academy.
“Party members will place a premium on preserving the CPP’s hold on power in the face of challenges by Sam Rainsy and the opposition. But, at the same time, party members will be giving Hun Sen close scrutiny,” he said.

“If Hun Sen in his new role as party chief [when he becomes president] disregards constructive criticism within the CPP, and concern mounts about the CPP’s future political future, we could see destabilizing in-fighting,” he added.

“But for the moment Hun Sen appears in an unassailable position in the near term.”
(Additional reporting by Hul Reaksmey)
© 2013, The Cambodia Daily. All rights reserved. No part of this article may be reproduced in print, electronically, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without written permission.

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន អាច​ជា​ប្រធាន​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​នៅ​ពេលអនាគត

ដោយ and - October 15, 2013

សម្រាប់ ​អាណត្តិ​ទី​៥ ក្នុង​រយៈ​ពេល​២០​ឆ្នាំ​មក​នេះ លោក ជា ស៊ីម បាន​ថ្លែង​ទៅកាន់ ​មហា​សន្និបាត របស់​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​ កាល​ពីខែមីនា ក្នុង​នាម​ជា​ ប្រធាន​គណ​បក្ស​​ ជា​តំណែង​ដែល​លោក​បាន​កាន់​តាំង​ពី​គណ​បក្ស​នេះ​បាន​ប្តូរ ​ឈ្មោះ​ទៅ​ជា​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​ កាល​ពី​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៩១​មក​។

នៅ​ក្នុង​សុន្ទរកថា​របស់​លោក​ លោក ជា ស៊ីម អាយុ​៨០​ឆ្នាំ បាន​អះ​អាង​​ ប្រាប់​សមាជិក​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​ចំនួន​២.០០០​នាក់​នៅ​មហា​សន្និបាត​ នោះ​ថា គណ​បក្ស​កាន់​អំណាច​របស់​ខ្លួននឹង​ឈ្នះ​ឆ្នោតភ្លូក​ទឹក​ភ្លូក​ដី​​ ម្តង​ទៀត​នៅ​ខែ​កក្កដា ហើយ​នឹង​បន្ត​កាន់​អំណាច​រហូត​ដល់​ឆ្នាំ​២០១៨។
លោក ជា ស៊ីម បាន​ប្រាប់​មហា​សន្និបាត​នោះ​ថា “ក្នុង​រយៈ​ពេល​ប្រាំ​ឆ្នាំ ​កន្លង​មក​នេះ គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​បាន​បន្ត​ពង្រីក​​ និង​ពង្រឹង​ ស្នាដៃ​របស់​ខ្លួន​នៅក្នុង​នយោ​បាយ​ នៅ​ក្នុង​ចិត្ត​របស់​ប្រជាពល​រដ្ឋ​ និង ​នៅ​ក្នុង​ការ​​គ្រប់​គ្រង​ប្រទេស​។ ប៉ុន្តែ​ស្ថាន​​​ភាព​​​ប្រែ​​​ប្រួល​វិញ​​ដោយ​សារ​​ថា ការ​ជឿ​ជាក់​របស់​លោក  ជា ស៊ីម ទៅ​លើ​ប្រជា​ប្រិយ​ភាព​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​លោក​បាន​​បាត់​បង់​។ គណ​បក្ស​ ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​បាន​ឈ្នះ​ឆ្នោត​ជា​ផ្លូវ​ការ​មែន​ ប៉ុន្តែ គណ​បក្ស​នេះ​ បាត់​បង់​អាសនៈ​រដ្ឋ​សភា​ចំនួន​២២​ទៅ​លើ​គណ​បក្ស​សង្គ្រោះជាតិ​ដែល​​ទើប​ បង្កើត​ឡើង​។

ថ្វី​បើ​មាន​ការ​ទាម​ទារ​ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​ស៊ើប​អង្កេត​លើ​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​កាល​ ពី​ខែ​កក្កដា​ នេះ​ក៏ដោយ​ ក៏​គណបក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​នៅតែ​បង្កើត​រដ្ឋា​ ភិបាល​ដែល​ត្រូវ​បាន​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​គាំទ្រ​ដោយ​សមាជិក​រដ្ឋ​សភា​​ជាប់​​​ឆ្នោត​​ ​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​តែ​៦៨​រូប​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​។ សមា​ជិក​សភា​ជាប់​ ឆ្នោត​៥៥​រូប​​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ​​បាន​ធ្វើ​ពហិការ​សម័យ​ប្រជុំសភា ​លើក​ដំបូង​ និង​កំពុង​ប្រមូល​ការ​គាំទ្រ​ទាំង​នៅ​ក្នុង​ស្រុក​ និង​នៅ​ក្រៅ ​ប្រទេស​ ចំពោះ​ទស្សន​របស់​ខ្លួន​ដែល​ថា រដ្ឋា​ភិបាល​ថ្មី​នេះ​មិន​ស្រប​តាម ​រដ្ឋ​ធម្ម​នុញ្ញ។

ថ្វី​បើ​​​លោក ជា​ ស៊ីម ប្រធាន​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​មាន​វ័យ​ចំណាស់  និង​មាន​ជំងឺ​ជា​ញឹក​ញាប់​ក៏​ដោយ ក៏​គ្មាន​នរណា​ម្នាក់​អាច​​បន្ទោស​លោក​ ចំពោះ​លទ្ធ​ផល​មិន​ល្អ​​នៃការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​​​នេះ​ដែរ​ចាប់​តាំង​ពី​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៩៨  មក។ យុទ្ធនា​ការ​ឃោស​នា​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​ស្ថិត​នៅ ​ក្នុង​កណ្តាប់​ដៃ​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ទាំង​​ស្រុង​ ហើយ​អំណាច​ នយោ​បាយ​ និង​អំណាច​ផ្ទាល់​ខ្លួន​របស់​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន គឺ​ជា​អ្នក​​កំណត់​រចនា ​សម្ព័ន្ធ​នៃ​គណ​បក្ស​នេះ​ ដោយ​មិន​គិតពី​អ្នក​ដែល​មាន​តួ​នាទី​ខ្ពស់​ជាង​ នោះ​ទេ​។

រួម​ជាមួយ​នឹង​ប៉ាណូ​ឃោសនា​ដែល​មាន​រូប​មេ​ដឹក​នាំគណ​បក្ស​ប្រជាជន​ កម្ពុជា​ទាំង​បីរូបគឺ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន លោក ជា​ ស៊ីម និង​លោក ហេង​ សំរិន ប្រធាន ​រដ្ឋ​សភា​នោះ មាន​ប៉ាណូ​ថ្មីៗ​រាប់​ពាន់​ដែល​បង្ហាញពី​រូប​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន  ម្នាក់​ឯង​ត្រូវ​បាន​ដាក់​នៅ​ទូ​ទាំង​ប្រទេស​អំឡុង​ពេល​ធ្វើ​យុទ្ធនាការ​ឃោស ​នា​បោះ​ឆ្នោត។

ពាក្យ​ស្លោក​​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​កាន់​អំណាច​​​មុន​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត ​ក៏​ផ្តោត​លើ​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​​​​ដែរ នោះគឺ​ពាក្យស្លោកដែល​​​គេ​​​ស្រែក​​ ​ថា “ប្រសិន​បើ​បង​ប្អូន​ស្រឡាញ់​ ហ៊ុន សែន សូម​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ឲ្យ​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន ​កម្ពុជា​”។ ឥឡូវ​នេះ ថ្វីបើ​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​ ទទួល​បាន​លទ្ធ​ផល​មិន​ល្អ​ក្នុង​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​នេះ​​ក៏​ដោយ ក៏​តួនាទី​របស់​ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅ​ក្នុង​គណ​បក្ស​កាន់​អំណាច​គ្រោង​​នឹង​ដំឡើង​ផង​ដែរ នៅ​ពេល​ ដែល​ប្រធាន​ថ្មី​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​មាន​បញ្ហា។

លោក ជាម យៀប តំណាងរាស្ត្រ​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា និង​ជា​អ្នក​នាំ​ ពាក្យ​បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​កាលពី​សប្តាហ៍​មុន​ថា “​សម្តេច​ ហ៊ុន សែន គឺ​ជា​ អនាគត​ប្រធាន​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជនកម្ពុជា ប្រសិន​បើ​សម្តេច​ ជា ស៊ីម លាលែង​ពី​ តំណែង​ ឬ​ឈប់ពី​តំណែង​របស់​សម្តេច​ដោយ​សារ​ហេតុ​ផល​ណា​មួយ​”។

ខណៈ​​​ដែល លោក ជា​ ស៊ីម នៅ​តែ​រឹង​មាំ​អាច​ដឹក​នាំ​គណ​បក្ស​បាន​ ​​ទោះ​​លោក​មាន​ជំងឺ​ ម្តង​ម្កាល​ក៏​ដោយ ក៏​លោក ជាម យៀប បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ក៏​ ត្រៀម​ខ្លួន​រួច​ហើយ​ដែរ ដើម្បី​ធ្វើ​ជា​ប្រធាន​គណ​បក្ស និង​បាន​ទទួ​ល​ការ​ គាំទ្រ​ពី​គណៈ​កម្មា​ធិការ​​អចិន្ត្រៃយ៍ ដែល​មានសមាជិក​៣៤​រូប​របស់​គណ​បក្ស ​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​ ​ហើយ​​នៅ ក្នុង​នោះ​ លោក ជាម យៀប ក៏​ជា​សមាជិក​ម្នាក់​ ដែរ។

លោក ជាម យៀប បានមាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “សម្តេច ហ៊ុន សែន ជា​​អនុ​ប្រធាន​គណ​ បក្ស​​ស្រាប់​ ហើយ​គ្មាន​​អ្នក​​ផ្សេង​នៅ​ក្នុង​គណ​បក្ស​អាច​ប្រៀប​ធៀប​ ជាមួយ​សមត្ថ​ភាព និង​បទ​ពិសោធរបស់​សម្តេច​នៅក្នុង​ការ​ដឹក​នាំ​​​គណបក្ស​នេះ ​បាន​ទេ”។

លោក ងួន ញ៉ិល សមាជិក​គណៈ​កម្មា​ធិការ​អចិន្ត្រៃយ៍​គណបក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​ កម្ពុជា និង​ជា​អនុ​ប្រធាន​ទី​១​រដ្ឋ​សភាបាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា ដរាប​ណា​លោក​  ជា ស៊ីម នៅ​តែ​ជា​ប្រធាន​​គណ​​​​បក្ស​នោះ មិន​ត្រូវ​មាន​សេចក្តី​សម្រេច​ជា​ ​​​ផ្លូវ​ការ ដើម្បី​តែង​តាំង​អ្នក​ស្នង​លោក​ទេ​។ លោក​បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “សម្តេច ជា ស៊ីម នៅ​មាន​ព្រះជន្ម​នៅឡើយ ដូច្នេះ​វា ​មិន​ត្រឹម​ត្រូវ​ទេក្នុង​ការ​បង្ហាញពី​អ្នក​ដែល​ត្រូវ​ឡើង​​ធ្វើ​ជា​ប្រធាន ​ថ្មី​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​នេះ។ ប៉ុន្តែ​ គណ​បក្ស​​បាន​ត្រៀម​អ្នកឡើង​ធ្វើ​ជា​ ប្រធាន​ថ្មី​​រួច​ហើយ​”។

លោក ឈាង វុន សមាជិក​សភា​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា និង​ជា​អ្នក​នាំ​ពាក្យ ​រដ្ឋ​សភា​ ព្រម​ទាំង​លោក ផៃ ស៊ីផាន រដ្ឋ​លេខា​ធិការ​​​មក​ពី​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា ​ជន​កម្ពុជា និង​ជា​អ្នកនាំពាក្យ​ទី​ស្តី​ការគណៈរដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​បានមាន​ ប្រសាសន៍​ថា លោក​មិនដឹង​ពី​ផែន​ការ​នៅ​ពេល​អនា​គត សម្រាប់​តំណែង​ប្រធានគណ​ បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​ទេ​ ហើយ​លោក យឹម លាង អនុ​ប្រធាន​ខុទ្ទកាល័យ​របស់​លោក  ជា ស៊ីម បាន​បដិ​សេធ​​មិន​ធ្វើ​អត្ថា​ធិប្បាយ​។

លោក ឈាង វុន បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “ខ្ញុំមិន​ដឹង​អំពី​រឿងនេះទេ ពី​ព្រោះ​ វា​ជា​កិច្ច​ការ​ផ្ទៃ​ក្នុង​របស់​គណ​បក្ស។ ប្រសិន​បើ​លោក​ជាម​ យៀប បាន​ និយាយ​ដូច្នេះ​ គាត់​ប្រហែល​​​​​ជា​​ដឹង​ហើយ​”។
លោក ប៊ូ ថង សមា​ជិក​ព្រឹទ្ធ​សភា​​ដែល​តែង​តាំង​ដោយ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជា​ ជនកម្ពុជា និង​ជា​សមា​ជិកគណៈ​កម្មា​ធិការ​អចិន្ត្រៃយ៍​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ ជន​កម្ពុជា​បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ស្រដៀង​គ្នា​នេះ​ថា អ្នក​ស្នង​លោក ជា ស៊ីម គឺ​ ជា​កិច្ច​ការ​ផ្ទៃ​ក្នុង​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​។ លោក​បាន​មាន​ប្រ​សា​សន៍​មុន​ពេល​ បិទ​ការ​ហៅ​ទូរស័ព្ទ​ពី​អ្នក​យក​ព័ត៌​មាន​ថា “ ហេតុ​អ្វី​បានជា​អ្នក​ចង់​ ដឹង?”។

ខណៈ​ដែល​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ប្រហែល​ជា​ដឹង​ថា មាន​សម្ពាធ​បន្ទាប់​ពី​ការ​បោះ​ ឆ្នោត​ដ៏​គួរ​ឲ្យ​ភ្ញាក់​ផ្អើល​កាល​ពី​ខែ​កក្កដា​នោះ បទ​​​ពិសោធ​ដឹកនាំ​ របស់​លោក​នៅ​តែ​ខ្លាំង​។ ​ចាប់​តាំង​ពី​លោក​បាន​ធ្វើ​ជា​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​ នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៨៥ លោក​គឺ​​ជា​អ្នក​ត្រួត​ពិនិត្យ​លើ​ការ​បង្កើត​យន្ត​ការ​នយោ​ បាយ​ ដែល​គ្រប់​គ្រង​គ្រប់​ស្ថាប័ន​រដ្ឋ​ទាំង​អស់​ និង​រក្សា​បាន​នូវ​ភាព​ ស្មោះ​ត្រង់​របស់​មេ​ឃំុ និង​ចៅ​សង្កាត់​​ជាង​៩៥​ភាគ​រយ​ ក្នុង​ចំណោម​មេ​​ ឃុំនិង​ចៅ​សង្កាត់​ចំនួន​១.៦៣៣​នៅ​ទូ​ទាំង​ប្រទេស​។

លោក​ ឡៅ ម៉ុង​ហៃ អ្នក​វិភាគ​នយោ​បាយ​ឯក​រាជ្យ​បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “បើ​​ និយាយ​ពី​ប្រសិទ្ធភាព ​និង​ស្នាដៃ​សម្រាប់​គណ​បក្ស  ហ៊ុន សែន ​ល្អ​​ជាង ជា  ស៊ីម”។ លោក​បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “ហើយ​រហូត​មក​ទល់​ពេល​នេះ ខ្ញុំ​មិន​ឃើញ​មាន​អ្នក​ ជំនួស​គួរ​ឲ្យ​ទុក​ចិត្ត​ទេ​”។ លោក​បាន​បន្ថែម​ថា នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រីក៏​បាន​ ទទួល​ជោគ​ជ័យ​ចំពោះ​ការ​ឆ្លើយ​តប​នឹង​តម្រូវ​ការ​របស់​បណ្តាញ​អ្នក​គាំ​ទ្រ​ ជា​ច្រើន​ផង​ដែរ​ ព្រោះ​លោក​​បាន​ពង្រឹង​​អំណាច​របស់​លោក​។ លោក​បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​​ថា “រហូត​មក​ទល់​ពេល​នេះគណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​​ អាច​ទទួល​យក​អ្នក​គាំ​ទ្រ​របស់​ខ្លួនទាំង​អស់​នៅ​ពេល​កាន់​អំណាច​។ គណបក្ស​ នេះ​អាច​បង្កើត​តំណែង​សម្រាប់​ពួក​គេ​ ហើយ​ពួក​គេ​ត្រូវ​បាន​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ សប្បាយ​ចិត្ត​ ប្រសិន​បើ​ពួក​គេ​មិន​សប្បាយចិត្ត”។

លោក ព្រាប កុល នាយក​ប្រតិបត្តិ​អង្គការ​តម្លាភាព​កម្ពុជា​បាន​មាន​ ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “និន្នា​ការ​នៅ​ក្នុង​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជនកម្ពុជាគឺ​ ថា​នាយក​រដ្ឋ ​មន្ត្រី​មាន​ឥទ្ធិពលខ្លាំង​ណាស់”។ លោក​បានបន្ថែម​ថា សមាជិក​ភាគ​ច្រើន​នៃ​ គណៈ​កម្មា​ធិការ​អចិន្ត្រៃុយ៍​នេះ​បាន​ទទួលតួ​នាទី​របស់​ខ្លួន​តាម​រយៈ​ការ​ បង្ហាញ​ភាព​ស្មោះ​ត្រង់​ចំពោះ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន។

លោក ព្រាប កុល បាន​បន្ថែម​ទៀត​ថា “ប្រជា​ប្រិយ​ភាព​របស់​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​ពិត​ជា​បាន​ធ្លាក់​ចុះមែន​  ប៉ុន្តែ លោក​នៅ​តែ​មាន​អំណាច​​រឹង​មាំ​នៅ​ក្នុង​គណ​បក្សនេះ​ ​ដោយ​សារ​លោក​ មាន​ទំនាក់​ទំនង​ជាមួយ​យោធា និង​​​​កង​កម្លាំង​នគរ​បាល​។ លោក​មាន​ទំនាក់​ ទំនង​គ្រួសារ​មួយ​ចំនួន​​តាម​រយៈ​អាពាហ៍​ពិពាហ៍​ និង​តាម​រយៈ​ការ​បង្កើត​ មិត្ត​ភាព​ទាំង​អស់​នោះ​ ដូច្នេះ​អំណាច​របស់​លោក​នៅ​តែ​រឹង​មាំ​”។

លោក ឡៅ​ ម៉ុង​ហៃ បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា ឯក​ភាព​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជាជន​ កម្ពុជា​នៅ​ពី​ក្រោយ​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន អាច​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​គណ​បក្ស​នេះ​ខ្លាំង​ក្នុង​ រយៈ​ពេល​ខ្លី ប៉ុន្តែ ការ​ប្រមូល​ផ្តុំ​អំណាច​នៅ​លើ​មនុស្ស​ម្នាក់​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ ​ប្រទេស​ជាតិ​ជួប​ហានិភ័យ​​។ ហើយ​ទោះ​បី​ជា​​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន អាច​រក្សា​ភាព​ ស្មោះ​ត្រង់​​​​​​​​របស់​អ្នក​មាន​អំណាច​នៅក្នុង​គណ​បក្ស​នេះ​ក៏​ដោយ ក៏​ការ ​បោះឆ្នោត​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​នេះ​បង្ហាញ​ថា សមាជិក​ថ្នាក់​ក្រោម​ជា​ច្រើន​​របស់​គណ​ បក្សនេះ​មិន​បាន​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ឲ្យ​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​ទេ​។

នៅ​ឯ​មហា​សន្និបាត​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​កាល​ពី​ខែ​មីនា​នេះ លោក  អ៊ុក រ៉ាប៊ុន រដ្ឋ​លេខា​ធិការ​ក្រសួង​សេដ្ឋ​កិច្ច​ និង​ហិរញ្ញ​វត្ថុ​បាន​ អួត​ថា គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​មាន​សមាជិក​កាន់​កាត​គណ​បក្ស​ចំនួន​៥,៩​ លាន​នាក់​ ក្នុង​ចំណោម​អ្នក​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ប្រហែល​៩​លាននាក់​។ ទោះជា​យ៉ាង​ណា គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​ទទួល​បាន​សំឡេង​ឆ្នោត​ប្រហែល​៣,២​ លាន​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ កាល​ពី​ខែ​កក្កដា មានន័យ​ថា សមាជិក​គណ​បក្ស​កាន់​អំណាចប្រហែល​ ជា​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ឲ្យ​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​។
លោក គល់ បញ្ញា នាយក​ប្រតិ​បត្តិ​គណៈ​កម្មាធិការ​ដើម្បី​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ ដោយ​សេរី និង​យុត្តិ​ធម៌​នៅ​កម្ពុជា បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “ខ្ញុំ​គិត​ថា ការ ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ឆ្នាំ​២០១៣​នេះ បង្ហាញ​ថា សមាជិក​ជា​ច្រើន​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ ជន​កម្ពុជា​មិន​សប្បាយ​ចិត្ត​ទេ។ ប្រសិន​បើ​ពួក​គេ​មិន​​តែង​តាំង​​ថ្នាក់​ ដឹក​នាំ​​រដ្ឋា​ភិបាល​ថ្មី​ ប្រជា​ប្រិយ​ភាព​របស់គណ​បក្សនេះ​នឹង​ធ្លាក​​​់​ ចុះ ហើយ​ពួក​គេ​នឹង​ប្រឈម​​បញ្ហា​ជា​ច្រើន”។

លោក​បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “ពួក​គេ​គួរ​តែ​រៀន​របៀប​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​គណ​បក្ស​នៅ​ រឹង​មាំ​ និង​បង្កើត​រចនា​សម្ព័ន្ធ​ប្រជា​ធិប​តេយ្យ​ថ្មី​ ដូចជា​ការ​បែង​ ចែក​អំណាច​ ផ្លាស់​ប្តូរ​មេ​ដឹកនាំ​។​សូម្បី​តែ​​គណ​បក្ស​កុម្មុយនីស្ត​នៅ​ ចិន និង​វៀត​ណាម​ក៏​ប្តូរ​មេ​ដឹក​នាំ​ដែរ”។ លោក គល់ បញ្ញា បានមាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “ ខ្ញុំ​គិត​ថា គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​ គួរ​តែ​ព្យាយាម​កែ​ប្រែ​គណ​បក្ស​របស់​ខ្លួន​ឲ្យ​ទំនើប​”។ ប៉ុន្តែ​លោក​បាន​ បន្ថែម​ថា មិនយូរ​ប៉ុន្មាន​ក្រោយ​ពី​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ រដ្ឋា​ភិបាល​របស់​គណ​ បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​​បាន​បន្ត​ឥរិយាបថ​ចាស់​ដដែល។

លោក ខាលីល ថេយ័រ អ្នក​ជំនាញ​ផ្នែក​អាស៊ី​អាគ្នេយ៍​នៅ​បណ្ឌិត្យយសភា​កង​ ទ័ព​ការ​ពារ​ជាតិ​អូស្ត្រាលីបាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា ទោះ​បី​ជា​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ ជន​កម្ពុជា​ប្រហែល​ជា​បាន​សម្រេច​ថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅតែ​ជា​មនុស្ស​​ល្អ​ បំផុត​របស់​ពួក​គេ​ ដើម្បី​រក្សា​អំណាច​ក៏​ដោយ ក៏​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ​ត្រូវ​ ប្តូរ​របៀប​ដឹក​នាំ​របស់​លោក​ដែរ ដើម្បី​រក្សា​​ការ​គាំ​ទ្រ​ក្នុង​គណ​បក្ស​ នេះ។

លោក​បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា “សមាជិក​គណ​បក្ស​នឹង​ពិចារណា​អំពីការ​ការ​ពារ​ អំណាច​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​ ​ក្នុង​​ការ​ប្រកួត​ប្រជែង​ជាមួយ​ លោក  សម រង្ស៊ី និង​គណ​បក្ស​​​​ប្រឆាំង។ ប៉ុន្តែ នៅពេល​ជាមួយ​គ្នា​នោះ​ដែរ​ ​​​ សមាជិក​គណបក្ស​ត្រូវ​ពិនិត្យ​មើល​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ឲ្យ​បាន​ដិត​ដល់​”។ លោក​បាន​បន្ថែម​ថា “ ប្រសិន​បើ​ ហ៊ុន សែន កាន់​តួនាទី​ថ្មី​ជា​ប្រធាន​គណ​ បក្ស​ [នៅ​ពេល​លោក​ក្លាយ​ជា​ប្រធាន​] មិនទទួល​ស្គាល់​ការ​រិះ​គន់​ក្នុង​ន័យ ​ស្ថាបនា​នៅ​ក្នុង​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​ និង​​មាន​កង្វល់​កាន់​តែ​ ច្រើន​អំពី​អនាគត​នយោបាយ​របស់​គណ​បក្ស​ប្រជា​ជន​កម្ពុជា​នោះ យើង​​អាច​មើល​ ឃើញ​​​ភាព​រង្គោះ​រង្គើរ​​​ផ្ទៃ​ក្នុង​។ ប៉ុន្តែ សម្រាប់​ពេល​នេះ​ ​​​ហ៊ុន  សែន ហាក់​ដូច​ជា​មាន​គោល​ជំហរ​រឹង​មាំ​​​​ក្នុង​រយៈ​ពេល​ខ្លី”៕

(រាយការណ៍​បន្ថែម​ដោយ ហ៊ុល រស្មី)
ប្រែ​សម្រួល​ដោយ មូល គឹម​ហឿន
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Sunday 13 October 2013

Unicef Says Girls’ Access to Education Limited

By - October 12, 2013 (The Cambodia Daily)

Despite progress having been made in recent years to improve girls’ access to education, there is still a gender-based inequality, particularly in rural areas, children’s rights experts said on the International Day of the Girl Child on Friday.

“At the moment there is still a slight gender gap in upper-secondary education and more so in higher education, but if we manage to keep girls in schools, we can expect that these gender gaps will also reduce considerably in the near future,” a Unicef spokeswoman said in an email, adding that access to education had improved considerably. 

“In early childhood, primary, lower secondary as well as upper secondary, there is no major difference between boys and girls in Cambodia,” Unicef said.

In 2005/2006, 12.1 percent of girls dropped out of primary school, which was down to 8.7 percent in 2011/2012, according to data from the national Educational Manage­ment Information System. Figures also improved for upper secondary school, which dropped to 10.7 percent from 15.7 percent in six years.

The increase in school attendance, according to Unicef, was partly due to an overall economic improvement, and an increase in the number of schools around the country. The number of teachers also increased from about 78,500 in 2005/2006 to 84,500 last school year.

Still, Chuon Chamroang, head of local rights group Adhoc’s women’s program, said that many Cambodian girls do not have access to higher levels of education because they are expected to stay at home.

“The cultural concept is still that girls and women stay at home. So the girls are kept at home to help their family and do housework ra­ther than sending them to school or university,” she said, adding that it was slowly changing.

“In the past few years, it’s become less and less of a problem,” she said.

CPP Spokesman Denies Wanting Rainsy to Die in Plane Crash

By and - October 12, 2013

Introducing a sinister new edge to the country’s ongoing political tension, CPP lawmaker and party spokesman Cheam Yeap on Thursday raised the question as to why opposition party leader Sam Rainsy had not yet died in a plane crash.

However, Mr. Yeap denied on Friday that he wished to see the opposition leader’s death, but had simply raised the question because of Mr. Rainsy’s frequent in­ter­national air travel and the “turmoil” he had caused the country. 

In a radio interview on Thursday, Mr. Yeap took aim at the CNRP president’s politicking and the quality of the time he spends in Cambodia when he is not abroad. Mr. Rainsy is currently on an international tour to press foreign governments and aid donors to cease recognition of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s newly formed government.

“I am wondering why Sam Rainsy has such [bad] ideas,” Mr. Yeap said in the radio interview. “While flying, why doesn’t the plane he is boarding crash to his death?”

Mr. Yeap added: “And the second is that when [the plane is] landing, he causes all kinds of turmoil to Cambodia. That is why the Cambodian people name the Cambodia National Rescue Party the Boss of Demonstrations.”

Contacted by telephone, Mr. Yeap strenuously denied that his com­ment about a plane crash constituted a threat against Mr. Rainsy, claiming instead that his words had been misrepresented and taken out of context. Mr. Yeap said that he was simply referring to angels and justly deserved divine intervention for Mr. Rainsy’s wicked political ways.

“I did not curse him,” Mr. Yeap said.
“I did not pray [that Sam Rain­sy’s plane would fall from the sky] but if the angels see this, he would face danger,” he said.

“I just mentioned that Sam Rainsy had such ideas to betray the people, the nation, so someday the an­gels might see, so he needs to be care­ful. We did not threaten Sam Rainsy—we just informed the public.”

Mr. Rainsy is abroad and could not be reached for comment, but CNRP spokesman Yim Sovann was unimpressed with Mr. Yeap’s remarks.

“Respected politicians never speak like that,” he said. “What we have done is for the interests of the people.”

“Of course it’s incitement, but we do not pay attention to that…. Let the people listen to what he said. In 2018, he will be judged by the people,” Mr. Sovann added, referring to the next national election.
Mr. Yeap’s comment was not the first of its kind.

Prime Minister Hun Sen has in the past alluded to otherworldly entities, claiming in 2011 that “spirits” could break necks to punish his critics. In 2005, he also warned a member of the Sisowath royal family and other would-be rebels to prepare their wills and coffins, because he would “smash” them if they tried to foment an uprising over border demarcation with Vietnam.

Dr. Sok Touch, rector of the Khemarak University and an independent political analyst, said commenting on Mr. Rainsy’s demise in a plane crash had been unsportsmanlike and could cause instability at a time when tensions are running high.

“They should not use these words, because politicians need to maintain themselves as sportsmen when they go into the ring…. This would bring civil war because of the war-like words,” he said.
“When the political deadlock reaches high tensions, politicians should not use impolite words to another party—this will make the political deadlock become even more tense.”

Tuesday 8 October 2013

Sugar Industry Highlights Conflicts Over Trade Pacts and Land

By The New York Time
OMLIANG COMMUNE, Cambodia — Yim Lon nurses bitter memories of how three years ago the local authorities forced her and her family to dismantle their small home and move it to make way for a sugar plantation. 

The Phnom Penh Sugar Company paid her a few hundred dollars, less than a tenth of what Ms. Yim, 53, says she believes the family’s small plot of farmland was worth. She dreams of being allowed to move their two-room house, made of wood planks and steel siding, back to the site near a stream where they used to grow rice. She is convinced that the other culprits are the Europeans, who buy sugar from Phnom Penh Sugar. “If Europe continues buying sugar from the company, then we will continue suffering,” she said. 

Phnom Penh Sugar says that it has behaved fairly and obeyed local laws. Newly created sugar plantations across Cambodia have created thousands of cash-paying jobs for destitute migrant workers and subsistence farmers, and hundreds of jobs for skilled factory workers. 

But the corporate practice in Cambodia of obtaining tens of thousands of acres from the government as economic development concessions for large sugar plantations, while paying modest compensation to farmers pushed off the land, places a harsh light on international trade pacts that are meant to help the world’s poorest countries. 

To many activists who have heard the tales of people like Ms. Yim, the trade pacts that foster exports can have the unintended effect of encouraging land grabs by wealthy, politically connected families.
Nearly all of Cambodia’s sugar exports go to the European Union under the Everything But Arms program, which eliminates import duties for the sugar. The European Union also sets high minimum prices for imported sugar, well above world levels. Western activists have tried in recent months to organize consumer boycotts against companies that have bought Cambodian sugar, notably Tate & Lyle Sugars, which is owned by American Sugar Refining of West Palm Beach, Fla. 

The European Union has held high-level talks with Cambodian officials about the sugar issue. But it has refrained so far from opening a formal investigation into whether Cambodian sugar should lose duty-free access to the European Union. 

In a written response to questions, Ambassador Jean-François Cautain, the head of the European Union’s delegation to Cambodia, pointed to statistical measures. Rising exports helped Cambodia triple average annual income per person in the last decade, to $980, while reducing poverty to a fifth of the country’s population, he wrote. “We also need to consider the benefits the overall Cambodian economy gets from the ‘Everything But Arms’ scheme and the harm the country would suffer if we remove it,” he wrote. 

Western and Cambodian activists have called for the exclusion of Cambodian sugar from duty-free treatment in Europe, saying that it triggers corporate land grabs. 

“The land is deeply connected to the spiritual life of the people,” said Chum Narin, the land and natural resources program head at the Community Legal Education Center, a nonprofit group in Phnom Penh. 

American Sugar Refining said that its Tate & Lyle unit had bought only two “small shipments” over the years from Cambodia. The first was in May 2011 and the second in June 2012, the company said. It also said that it “has not received Cambodian sugar for over a year and has no plans for further purchases.” 

Both of American Sugar’s purchases were from the KSL Group, another company producing sugar in Cambodia. Phnom Penh Sugar said that it sold sugar to businesses in Spain and Italy, but it declined to identify the buyers

Sugar represented only $25.2 million of the $1.34 billion in Cambodian products that the European Union bought in the first six months of this year. Most of the European imports from Cambodia are garments. 

But the developing sugar industry has created jobs chopping sugar cane for previously destitute migrant workers from hill villages even poorer than Omliang Commune. Sugar refineries have also brought multimillion-dollar investments, roads and other amenities to remote areas where investors have long feared to venture in an oftentimes chaotic country like Cambodia.

Saturday 31 August 2013

Mass Demonstration or Violent Crackdown—Lose-Lose for All

By - August 14, 2013

By Kimly Ngoun
This opinion is apolitical. I write out of concern for the Cambodian people and the country.
The news of a possible opposition CNRP-led mass demonstration and the CPP’s response to deploy armed forces and ar­mored personnel carriers (APCs) in and around Phnom Penh looks like both political camps are heading toward confrontation. 

Even more worrisome are the contradictory statements from within the CNRP and the ruling party about their respective intentions. If a mass demonstration takes place and the government reacts with force, both political parties and the country as a whole will lose.

If there is a mass protest, the big question for the CNRP is how to keep it peaceful? How can it guarantee control over every protesters’ movement, gestures and words? Any provocative move or slogan from a few demonstrators may invite a response from the armed forces with the potential to inflame chaos and violence. If such a scenario were to occur, the CNRP’s leaders would be held, if not legally, morally responsible for casualties and loss of lives.

The CNRP will surely disappoint many of its supporters who voted for “change,” but change in a sense for a more peaceful, prosperous, just and civilized nation, not a change to violence, tragedy and backwardness.

If the CPP uses force to suppress demonstrators, it faces three major risks. Firstly, the party’s leaders may be liable to prosecution by either local or international courts. Secondly, if the violent crackdown fails to scare people away and reduce the number of demonstrators but instead inspires more people to take to the streets, this could spillover to other provinces throughout the country.
Some of the CPP’s officials and members of the military and the police (especially those mid-level and low-ranking officers) will have to ask themselves the question—should I stay or should I go? Any defection by members of the ruling party and the military will greatly damage the government’s legitimacy; affect the psychology of those who stay and possibly provide an excuse for foreign countries to intervene militarily.

If there are tens or hundreds of thousands of people joining the demonstration, it would not be surprising for the soldiers and police to find their friends and relatives among the protesters.
Thirdly, violent action will tarnish the ruling party’s image as the guardian of peace and political stability.

History has informed us that negotiation and settling of disputes by peaceful means is the door to lasting peace and social harmony. Violent means cause revenge and tragedy.

Cambodian voters regardless of political tendencies value peace, social harmony and the country’s prosperity. And they have already fulfilled their obligation as a good citizen by voting.
Now it is the turn of the leaders of both parties to demonstrate that they truly care about: the people and the country. The world is watching Cambodia. Let us prove that we are a civilized race and a responsible world citizen by resolving the standoff peacefully.

Kimly Ngoun is a postgraduate student at the Australian National University, Canberra.
© 2013, The Cambodia Daily. All rights reserved. No part of this article may be reproduced in print, electronically, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without written permission.

An Arab-Style ‘Cambodian Spring’ Could be Disastrous

By - August 19, 2013

By Samir Pheng
Following the recent election results, a new concept is starting to bloom: the Cambodian Spring. Although filled with optimism, the idea of transposing the Arab Spring to Cambodia should be taken with a pinch of salt

In December 2010, “flowers” blossomed in the harsh Mediter­ranean sun of Tunisia then Egypt followed by Bahrain, Yemen, Libya, Syria and many Arab countries soon after. Arabs followed the mesmerizing songs of change and democracy trusting they would soon lead to a better life. As curious as Pandora opening a forbidden box bestowed by Zeus, the people expected democracy to become a panacea for all their troubles. In the heat of the moment Mohamed Bouazizi’s immolation kickstarted the revolution and everyone took to the street.

French political scientist Mi­chel Dobry speaks of desectorialization in Egypt meaning that workers of every sector converged their frustrations into a massive protest movement. Like a B-rated Hollywood movie, the bad guy (the long standing dictators) lost to the good guys played by Democracy. Hap­py endings and let’s grab a beer anyone? As much as I wished this story to be true, reality shows a much grimmer and more violent face.

Tunisia has failed to recover from former President Ben Ali’s fall and the political situation has been unstable since. Unemployment rates have risen as the fragile state has been unable to establish a solid economic structure. As a result, foreign investors are reluctant to set foot in a country with a weak legal and political framework. And Tunisia is probably the one country from the Arab uprisings with glimmers of hope.

Egypt initially placed its optimism in the figure of President Mohamed Morsi but he has failed to negotiate a peace agreement with the military. To his own detriment, one might say after the latter seized and imprisoned him. The inability to create a stable political climate has many economical consequences. Vice Minister of Finance Hary Kadri Dimian is still not able to broker a loan agreement with the International Mon­etary Fund. Wheat reserve is at its lowest point since importation has slowed considerably meaning Egypt could face another food riot. Evaporating investments, scared tourists: A once attractive country with its gold sands and mighty pyramids has become the scene of gruesome showdowns.

Libya and Syria? What can be said? One has become a haven for radical Islamists looking to restore Shariah law while the other sees President Bashar al-Assad sharpening his meat cleavers every day. He might fall one day but chances are the butchering will not stop there. Overzealous partisans of democracy like to put in the limelight the inevitable democratic transitions whenever they see a glimpse of change. But what follows is not always rainbows and butterflies.

The way we instill change can either mean: Establishing legitimate democratic institutions recognized not only by the West but also the people and its leaders. Or, destroying existing structures to establish newer, untested ones.

Every government has its flaws but it is through constant institutional confrontations, negotiations and eventual compromise that change should be brought about. The nature of change whether it is through peace or violence also dictates the nature of the outcome.

A Cambodian Spring—Arab style—could produce irreversible consequences. Our country should not make another dreadful copy of a Western song, especially one that sold so badly in Arab countries.

Samir Pheng is a graduate student at Sciences Po Bordeaux.

© 2013, The Cambodia Daily. All rights reserved. No part of this article may be reproduced in print, electronically, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without written permission.

The 2024 Workshops for Foreign Confucius Institute Directors on June 13-21, 2024 at Sichuan Province, China

My sincere thanks and gratitude go to my respectful Rector, H.E. Sok Khorn , and the Chinese Confucius Institute Director, Prof. Yi Yongzhon...