បែកធ្លាយបញ្ជី ឈ្មោះក្រៅផ្លូវការ គណៈរដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី សម្រាប់ អាណត្ដិទី៥

សូមចុចត្រង់នេះដើម្បីមើលព៌តមានដើមពី គេហទំព័រ ប្រភព ដើមអម្ពិល

ភ្នំពេញ ៖ បញ្ជីឈ្មោះក្រៅផ្លូវការ សម្រាប់ គណៈរដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អាណត្ដិទី៥ ដែលគេដឹងថា ពិតភាគច្រើន ត្រូវបានបែកធ្លាយជាសាធារណៈ នៅលើបណ្ដាញទំនាក់ទំនង ហ្វេសប៊ុក នៅព្រឹក ថ្ងៃទី១៨ ខែកញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ២០១៣នេះ ។

យោងតាមបញ្ជីឈ្មោះក្រៅផ្លូវការ នៃសមាជិក គណៈរដ្ឋមន្រ្តីអាណត្តិទី៥ខាងមុខនេះ តំណែង​ឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី ទេសរដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី រដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី និងរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ  បានបង្ហាញឱ្យឃើញថា មានការផ្លាស់ប្ដូរ រដ្ឋមន្ដ្រីមួយចំនួនតូច ខណៈដែលរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ក៏ត្រូវបានតែងតាំងបន្ថែម និងកាត់បន្ថយ នៅតាមក្រសួង ទាំងនោះផងដែរ ។

យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ នេះគ្រាន់តែជាបញ្ជី ឈ្មោះក្រៅផ្លូវការប៉ុណ្ណោះ សម្រាប់ អាណត្ដិទី៥ ប៉ុន្ដែវាអាចជាការពិតភាគច្រើន។

យោងតាមបញ្ជី ឈ្មោះទាំងនេះ ឧបនាយក រដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី មានចំនួន៩រូប ដូចអាណត្ដិទី៤ ដែរ រួមមានលោក ស ខេង លោកសុខ អាន លោកទៀ បាញ់ លោកគាត ឈន់ លោក ហោ ណាំហុង លោកស្រី ម៉ែន សំអន លោក ប៊ិន ឈិន លោកយឹម ឆៃលី និងលោកកែ គឹមយ៉ាន ។ ដោយឡែកទេសរដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី ទទួល បន្ទុកបេសកកម្មពិសេស មានចំនួន១១រូប រួមមាន លោកញឹម វណ្ណដា លោកឃុន ហាំង លោកលី ធុជ លោកច័ន្ទ សារុន លោកឱម យ៉ិនទៀង លោកអៀង ម៉ូលី លោក វ៉ា គឹម ហុង លោក យឹម ណុលឡា លោកសេរី កុសល លោកហ៊ឹម ឆែម និងលោក ជិន ប៊ុនសៀន។

សម្រាប់ក្រសួងការពារជាតិ រួមមាន ៖

លោកទៀ បាញ់ ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយ រដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៥រូប រួមមាន លោកចាយ សាំងយុន លោកម៉ឹង សំផន លោកនាង ផាត លោកឯល វ៉ាន់ សារ៉ាត និងលោកស្រី ប៉ា ដាវីនី ។

ក្រសួងការបរទេស និងកិច្ចសហប្រតិបត្ដិការអន្ដរជាតិ មានលោកហោ ណាំហុង ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៥រូប រួមមាន លោកឡុង វីសាលោ លោកអ៊ុច បូរិទ្ធ លោកកៅ គឹមហួន លោកអ៊ុង ស៊ាន និងលោកសឿង រដ្ឋថាវី ។

ក្រសួងសេដ្ឋកិច្ចនិងហិរញ្ញវត្ថុ មានលោក អូន ព័ន្ធមុនីរ័ត្ន ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រីអមដោយរដ្ឋលេខា ធិការ ៦រូប រួមមាន លោក វង្សី វិស្សុត លោក ជូ វិចិត្រ លោកងួន សុខា លោកហ៊ាន សាហ៊ីប លោកងី តាយី លោកជូ គឹមឡេង។

ក្រសួងកសិកម្មរុក្ខាប្រមាញ់និងនេសាទ មានលោក អ៊ុក រ៉ាប៊ុន ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយ រដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៥រូប រួមមានលោកយុទ្ធ ភូថង លោកទឹម គឹមស៊ា លោកទី សុគន្ធ លោកម៉ម អំណត់ និងលោកហោ ម៉ាស៊ីង ។

ក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ មានលោក ស ខេង ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ១០រូប រួមមាន លោកឯម សំអាន លោកព្រុំ សុខា លោកនុត សាអាន លោកសក់ សេដ្ឋា លោកងី ច័ន្ទ្រផល លោក ស្រីជូ ប៊ុនអេង លោកប៉ុល លឹម លោកតេង សាវង្ស លោកឌុល គឿន និងលោកអ៊ុក គឹមលេខ ។

ទីស្ដីការគណៈរដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី មានលោក សុខ អាន ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ១៦រូប រួមមានលោក ប៊ុន អ៊ុយ លោកស៊ូ ភិរិន្ទ លោកស្រី ឆាយ វ៉ាន់ឌឿន លោកចាន់ តានី លោកស្វាយ ស៊ីថា លោកសុខ ផេង លោកឃឹម បូ លោកជ្រា សុចិន្ដា លោកផៃ ស៊ីផាន លោកអ៊ិន វិរៈជាតិ លោកហ៊ឹង ថូរស៊ី លោកតឹក រ៉េតសម្រេច លោកកែវ រ៉េមី លោកប៊ុន សំបូរ លោកឃឹម រុស្ស៊ីដា និង លោកង៉ោ ហុងលី ។

ក្រសួងទេសចរណ៍ មានលោកថោង ខុន ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៦រូប រួមមានលោក ស៊ូ ម៉ាត់ លោកលី ប៊ុនធឿន លោកគោស៊ុំ សារឿត លោកស្រី សម មុន្នីការ លោកទឹក ចិន្ដា និងលោកជា បូរ៉ា ។

ក្រសួងធម្មការ និងសាសនា មានលោក មិន ឃិន ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៤រូប រួមមានលោក ផ្លោក ផន លោកសុះ មុះសិន លោករាវ រតនវឌ្ឍនោ លោកស្រី ទូច សារ៉ុម ។

ក្រសួងកិច្ចការនារី មានលោកស្រី អ៊ឹង កន្ថាផាវី ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៨រូប រួមមានលោកស្រី ខេង សំរ៉ាថា លោក ស្រី ឃឹម ចំរើន លោកស្រី ចាន់ សូរីយ៍ លោក ស្រី អ៊ឹម ស៊ីថៃ លោកស្រី ស៊ី តេហ្វីន លោក ស្រី សាន អារុន  លោកកុប ម៉ារីយ៉ាស់ និង លោកស្រី ហ៊ូ សាមិត្ដ ។

ក្រសួងការងារនិងបណ្ដុះបណ្ដាលវិជ្ជាជីវៈ មានលោកអ៊ិត សំហេង  ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អម ដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៤រូប រួមមានលោក ពេជ សោភ័ន លោកអូស្មាន ហាស្សាន់ លោក កាន់ ម៉ន និងលោកស្រីសឿង សរសុចិន្ដា។

ក្រសួងប្រៃសណីយ៍ និងទូរគមនាគមន៍ មានលោក ប្រាក់ សុខុន ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អម ដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៦រូប រួមមានលោក សារ៉ាក់ខាន់ លោកខាយ ឃុនហេង លោក ឯក វណ្ណឌី លោកស្រីរស់ សូរុក្ខា លោកកាន ច័ន្ទមេត្ដា និងលោកស្រី ប្រាក់ ចាន់ណយ។

ក្រសួងសុខាភិបាល មានលោកម៉ម ប៊ុន ហេង ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ចំនួន៨រូប រួមមានលោក ហេង តៃគ្រី លោក អ៊ឹង ភិរុន លោកអេង ហួត លោកសុខ ផេង លោកស្រី តាន់ វួចឆេង លោកតែ គុយស៊ាង លោកជូ យិនស៊ីម និងលោកធា គ្រុយ ។

ក្រសួងសាធារណការនិងដឹកជញ្ជូន មាន លោកត្រាំ អ៊ីវតឹក ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយ រដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៦រូប រួមមានលោក តូច ចាន់ កុសល លោកសួន រចនា លោកលឹម ស៊ីដេនីន លោកនូ សុវត្ថិ លោកសុខុម ភគវន្ដមុនី និង លោកស្រីមិន មាសាវី ។

ក្រសួងវប្បធម៌ និងវិចិត្រសិល្បៈ មាន លោកស្រី ភឿង លក្ខិណា ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អម ដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៥រូប រួមមានលោក ឃឹម សារិទ្ធ លោកជុច ភឿង លោកមិញ កុលឌីវ៉ាន់ លោកអ៊ុក សុជាតិ និងលោកសោម សុគន្ធ ។

ក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជននិងកីឡា មានលោក ហង់ ជួនណារ៉ុង ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋ លេខាធិការ ៦រូប រួមមានលោក ពិត ចំណាន លោកណាត ប៊ុនរឿន លោកស្រីគឹម សេដ្ឋានី លោកស៊ាន បូរ៉ាត លោកអ៊ឹម កុដ លោកយក់ ង៉ុយ ។

ក្រសួងសង្គមកិច្ច អតីតយុទ្ធជននិងយុវ នីតិសម្បទា មានលោក វង សូត ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី  រួមមានរដ្ឋលេខាធិការចំនួន៨រូប លោកនឹម ថូត លោកយី យ៉ុន លោកសយ ស៊ីផុន លោក មុត ខៀវ លោកសែម សុខា លោកអាម៉ាត់ យ៉ះ យ៉ា លោកឃួន រ៉ាឌីន លោកស្រីខៀវ បុរី ។

ក្រសួងរៀបចំដែនដីនគរូបនីយកម្មនិង សំណង់ មានលោកអ៊ឹម ឈុនលឹម ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ៦រូប រួមមានលោក ឆាន់ សាផាន់ លោកលឹម វ៉ាន់ លោកស្រី អ៊ូ វិឌី លោកភឿង សុភ័ណ្ឌ លោកសរ សុវណ្ណ និងលោកប៉ែន សុផល ។

ក្រសួងបរិស្ថាន មានលោកសាយ សំអាល់ ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៤រូប រួមមានលោក ខៀវ មុត លោកយិន គឹម ស៊ាន លោកសាបូ អូស្សាណូ និងលោកឃុន លក្ខ្សី ។

ក្រសួងធនធានទឹក និងឧតុនិយម មាន លោកលឹម គានហោ ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយ រដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៥រូប  លោកវ៉េង សាខុន លោកតន់ វ៉ាន់ថារ៉ា លោកប៊ុន ហ៊ាន លោក ស្រី សេង វ៉ាន់សាយ  និងលោកថោ ជេដ្ឋា។

ក្រសួងព័ត៌មាន មានលោកខៀវ កាញារីទ្ធ ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៧រូប រួមមាន លោកអ៊ុក ប្រាថ្នា លោកម៉ៅ អាយុទ្ធ លោកថាច់ ផែន លោកនូវ សុវត្ថិរ៉ូ លោកហោ សុភាព លោកជា ច័ន្ទបរិបូរណ៍ និងលោកស្រី ច័ន្ទ ធី ។

ក្រសួងយុត្ដិធម៌ មានលោកអង្គវង្ស វឌ្ឍានា ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៥រូប រួមមានលោកហ៊ី សោភា លោកស្រី ច័ន្ទ សុធាវី លោកង៉ោ សុវណ្ណ លោកព្រហ្ម សិទ្ធត្រា និងលោកកើត រិទ្ធ ។

ក្រសួងទំនាក់ទំនងជាមួយព្រឹទ្ធសភា រដ្ឋ សភា និងអធិការកិច្ច មានលោកស្រី ម៉ែន សំអន ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៦រូប រួមមាន លោកឆេង សារឿន លោក កង ណែម លោកលោកថាច់ ឃន លោកឌុច សុវណ្ណរី លោកស្រី សុភ័គ្គ ថាវី លោកស្រី សុខ វីឡាយ ។

ក្រសួងមុខងារសាធារណៈ មានលោក ពេជ្រ ប៊ុនធិន ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខា ធិការ ៤រូប រួមមានលោកយូ ស៊ុនឡុង លោក ប៉ុល ពិទូ លោកស្រី វ៉ាន់ ម៉ារ៉ា និងលោក យក់ ប៊ុណ្ណា ។

ក្រសួងពាណិជ្ជកម្ម មានលោកស៊ុន ចាន់ ថុល ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៧រូប រួមមានលោក កឹម ស៊ីថន លោកប៉ាន សូស័ក្ដិ លោកអោក ប៊ុង លោកម៉ៅ ថូរ៉ា លោកឈួន ដារ៉ា លោកឌិត ទីណា លោកស្រី តឹក រ៉េតកម្រង ។

ក្រសួងឧស្សាហកម្មរ៉ែនិងថាមពល មាន លោកចម ប្រសិទ្ធ ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយ រដ្ឋលេខាធិការ៧រូប រួមមានលោកអ៊ិត ប្រាំង លោកសាត សាម៉ី លោកភោគ សុវណ្ណរិទ្ធ លោកឯក ស៊ុនចាន់ លោកហេង សុខគង់ លោកស្រី ឡាយ ណារិន និងលោកគឹម ទូច។

ក្រសួងផែនការ មានលោកឆាយ ថន ជា រដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី អមដោយរដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ៦រូប រួម មានលោក ហ៊ូ កាំងអេង លោកឆៃ វីរៈ លោកសន ស៊ីថន លោកទូច ថាវរៈ លោក ស្រី ប៉ែន សុភា និងលោកប៉ាន ប៊ុនធឿន ។

រដ្ឋលេខាធិការអាកាសចរណ៍ មានលោក ម៉ៅ ហាវ៉ាន់ណាល់ ជារដ្ឋលេខាធិការ ។

ក្រសួងអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ជនបទ មានលោក ជា សុផារ៉ា ជារដ្ឋមន្ដ្រី ៕

An Arab-Style ‘Cambodian Spring’ Could be Disastrous

By The Cambodia Daily - August 19, 2013

By Samir Pheng

Following the recent election results, a new concept is starting to bloom: the Cambodian Spring. Although filled with optimism, the idea of transposing the Arab Spring to Cambodia should be taken with a pinch of salt. 

In December 2010, “flowers” blossomed in the harsh Mediter­ranean sun of Tunisia then Egypt followed by Bahrain, Yemen, Libya, Syria and many Arab countries soon after. Arabs followed the mesmerizing songs of change and democracy trusting they would soon lead to a better life. As curious as Pandora opening a forbidden box bestowed by Zeus, the people expected democracy to become a panacea for all their troubles. In the heat of the moment Mohamed Bouazizi’s immolation kickstarted the revolution and everyone took to the street.

French political scientist Mi­chel Dobry speaks of desectorialization in Egypt meaning that workers of every sector converged their frustrations into a massive protest movement. Like a B-rated Hollywood movie, the bad guy (the long standing dictators) lost to the good guys played by Democracy. Hap­py endings and let’s grab a beer anyone? As much as I wished this story to be true, reality shows a much grimmer and more violent face.

Tunisia has failed to recover from former President Ben Ali’s fall and the political situation has been unstable since. Unemployment rates have risen as the fragile state has been unable to establish a solid economic structure. As a result, foreign investors are reluctant to set foot in a country with a weak legal and political framework. And Tunisia is probably the one country from the Arab uprisings with glimmers of hope.

Egypt initially placed its optimism in the figure of President Mohamed Morsi but he has failed to negotiate a peace agreement with the military. To his own detriment, one might say after the latter seized and imprisoned him. The inability to create a stable political climate has many economical consequences. Vice Minister of Finance Hary Kadri Dimian is still not able to broker a loan agreement with the International Mon­etary Fund. Wheat reserve is at its lowest point since importation has slowed considerably meaning Egypt could face another food riot. Evaporating investments, scared tourists: A once attractive country with its gold sands and mighty pyramids has become the scene of gruesome showdowns.

Libya and Syria? What can be said? One has become a haven for radical Islamists looking to restore Shariah law while the other sees President Bashar al-Assad sharpening his meat cleavers every day. He might fall one day but chances are the butchering will not stop there. Overzealous partisans of democracy like to put in the limelight the inevitable democratic transitions whenever they see a glimpse of change. But what follows is not always rainbows and butterflies.

The way we instill change can either mean: Establishing legitimate democratic institutions recognized not only by the West but also the people and its leaders. Or, destroying existing structures to establish newer, untested ones.

Every government has its flaws but it is through constant institutional confrontations, negotiations and eventual compromise that change should be brought about. The nature of change whether it is through peace or violence also dictates the nature of the outcome.

A Cambodian Spring—Arab style—could produce irreversible consequences. Our country should not make another dreadful copy of a Western song, especially one that sold so badly in Arab countries.

Samir Pheng is a graduate student at Sciences Po Bordeaux.

© 2013, The Cambodia Daily. All rights reserved. No part of this article may be reproduced in print, electronically, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without written permission.

Hun Sen Mute After Initial Election Remarks

By Colin Meyn and Phorn Bopha - August 21, 2013

Over the past three weeks, a standoff between the long-ruling CPP and newly strengthened opposition CNRP has made for an increasingly tense political environment.

But almost entirely missing from the equation has been Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose last public appearance was 18 days ago when he addressed villagers in Kandal province and warned the opposition that a failure to take their seats in Parliament would result in them being given to the CPP.

As opposed to his usual schedule of delivering nationally televised speeches almost every day—weighing in on everything from pressing political issues to personal trivialities—the prime minister has remained completely out of the public eye since August 2.

The prime minister’s silence comes amid a steady security buildup in Phnom Penh after the CNRP promised mass demonstrations if the CPP did not cede power and commit to conducting an independent enquiry of al­leged election irregularities.

It also comes after the CPP suffered its worst showing in the National Assembly since 1998, just one year after Mr. Hun Sen ousted then-Prime Minister Norodom Ranariddh from power in factional fighting that took place on the streets of Phnom Penh.

Still, officials on Tuesday said Mr. Hun Sen’s silence was warranted because he wanted to give space to both political parties to form a government and plan ahead for the next five years of CPP rule.

As the head of government during a time of partisan wrangling and potential social instability, it is important for Mr. Hun Sen to remain out of party politics, said Council of Ministers spokes­man Phay Siphan.

“He [Mr. Hun Sen] always keeps to himself during heightened tension. He lets the other mechanisms take care of their own responsibilities and address their own mandate,” Mr. Siphan said.

“The prime minister remains independent and lets the two parties work together,” he added.

Since meeting on August 9 to discuss the formation of a joint committee to investigate irregularities in Cambodia’s election, the CPP and CNRP’s cooperation has stalled. Mr. Siphan said that if talks continue to be fruitless, Mr. Hun Sen may step back into the partisan fray for talks with Mr. Rainsy.

“[I]f the [joint CPP-CNRP] committees cannot solve something, then it is time for Sam Rainsy and him [Mr. Hun Sen] to meet together,” Mr. Siphan said.

Cheam Yeap, a senior CPP lawmaker and de facto spokesman for the party, said that Mr. Hun Sen has remained largely silent since the July 28 national election because he has been busy preparing for his next five years managing the country as prime minister.

“He is busy organizing the implementation of the party’s political platform to ensure that it meets the expectations set out in our platform during the election campaign,” Mr. Yeap said, adding that the party is also trying to figure out why its popularity has fallen sharply.

“We are busy evaluating why we lost support,” he said.

Political analysts said Tuesday that dealing with internal problems within a party that has seen a steep drop in its popularity, along with practicing caution in how the party deals with a significantly strengthened opposition, likely explain the prime minister’s silence.

“The prime minister always lets others talk and express all the issues and then he analyzes that information and finds a strategy to fight back,” said independent political analyst Kem Ley, adding that there were two directions Mr. Hun Sen could take in his response to the CNRP’s calls for reform.

“[Mr. Hun Sen] has a great opportunity to be smart in a good way, by [improving] rule of law and democracy strengthening, or a bad way, by cracking down on other parties to win,” he said.

Another political analyst, Lao Mong Hay, said that soul-searching in the wake of such a drop in popularity could have more to do with why Mr. Hun Sen has had little to say in public in recent weeks.

“We’ve seen that the top leaders of the CPP have not issued any public statements, apart from Deputy Prime Minister Sar Kheng. This reflects that there might be difficulty in determining the roles within the party and this needs to be resolved,” he said.

“The party members are old too, and they need to change. The CPP needs to rejuvenate in order to get back its popularity. But change is not easy,” said Mr. Mong Hay, adding that it was still the ruling party’s responsibility to explain public actions such as the mobilization of troops and movement of tanks.

“During these times, there should be someone high up equal to a minister in the government who appears in front of the public and explains the people what this is and why it is happening,” he said.

© 2013, The Cambodia Daily. All rights reserved. No part of this article may be reproduced in print, electronically, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without written permission.

The Cambodian People Have Spoken

By KHEANG UN

Published: August 9, 2013 

Cambodia is at a standstill. Although the National Election Committee has yet to announce the official results of the July 28 general election, the ruling party has already claimed victory. It announced soon after polling closed that the governing Cambodian People’s Party (C.P.P.) had won 68 seats and the Cambodia National Rescue Party (C.N.R.P.) 55. But the opposition contests the count, alleging massive fraud, and it says it will boycott the new National Assembly if an independent investigation isn’t conducted. Prime Minister Hun Sen opposes any inquiry not overseen by the very election commission the opposition accuses of vote-rigging, and he has threatened to redistribute to the C.P.P. any seats the C.N.R.P. leaves vacant.  

Even going by the government’s numbers, these results are a serious setback for Hun Sen’s party: a loss of 22 seats — it used to hold 90 — and of a two-thirds majority, the threshold for amending the Constitution. And it is a stunning turn of events considering that just one month ago a decisive victory for the C.P.P. seemed like a foregone conclusion. 

The ruling party had many advantages. After years of war, Cambodia is firmly at peace and its economy is doing well. According to a survey by the International Republican Institute early this year, 79 percent of Cambodians believed that the country was headed in “the right direction.” The C.P.P., a former Communist party that has been in power since the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime in 1979, has far greater financial and organizational resources than any other party. It has a near-monopoly over the media, the security forces and all government institutions, national and local, including the election committee. 

Yet an appetite for change had been growing, most visibly among the youth. Approximately 50 percent of eligible voters are under 25, and many of them rallied behind the C.N.R.P., a party formed last year after the merger of two opposition groups led by Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha. This spring, while Sam Rainsy, the party leader, was in self-imposed exile in France — to avoid a prison sentence on criminal charges he says are politically motivated — Kem Sokha, the C.N.R.P.’s number two and a longtime human rights activist, crisscrossed the country, campaigning from the back of a pickup truck. 

And then Sam Rainsy received a pardon, likely thanks to pressure from the U.S. government. After he returned to Cambodia, the C.N.R.P.’s popularity took off. On July 19, over 100,000 people, mostly young, lined the streets from the airport all the way to the center of Phnom Penh to welcome him back. That day and at subsequent C.N.R.P. rallies, the crowds were exuberant. Many supporters had made small donations and volunteered to canvas for the party. All were answering its populist and nationalist call to mobilize against the C.P.P.’s entrenched interests. 

Discontent is widespread among ordinary Cambodians, despite improved living conditions. Growth in Cambodia, as in many developing countries, has been based largely on crony capitalism. Development has created a newly rich class — business tycoons, government elites, the military — while dispossessing the rural and the urban poor. Yet instead of addressing growing inequality and corruption, the C.P.P. campaigned on the memory of the Khmer Rouge, using the brutal regime as a yardstick for its own achievements, and reasserted the traditional Khmer patronage system. It built infrastructure and doled out social services selectively to reward communities that supported it. On visits to rural areas, party members would distribute small gifts, like cash, clothing and small packets of MSG. 

Meanwhile, the C.P.P. underestimated the opposition. Since the introduction of a multiparty system in 1993, Hun Sen managed to divide the opposition with dubious lawsuits or outright bribery. But this time the opposition showed a united front. 

The C.N.R.P. also relied on populist policies to mobilize Cambodia’s have-nots, its have-too-littles and its highly expectant youth. Its platform promised better health care, higher salaries for state employees and factory workers, and lower prices for commodities like gasoline and fertilizer. Its program was clear, practical, appealing. When asked how all this would be funded, party leaders said state revenues could be increased simply by curbing corruption. The line resonated with voters.

The C.N.R.P. played the populist card even when that meant peddling xenophobia. It capitalized on widespread anti-Vietnamese sentiment, the result of wars fought centuries ago and of Vietnam’s occupation of Cambodia in 1979-89. The party linked popular fears over immigration from Vietnam to growing concerns that the government is selling country’s rich land in the form of economic concessions, often to Vietnamese companies. That argument allowed the C.N.R.P. to turn discrete reports about farmers and villagers being expropriated into a much broader case against the wholesale exploitation of Cambodia’s natural resources by an ill-intentioned neighbor. 

Other things had also changed in the countryside, the C.P.P.’s traditional base. Cambodian farmers still tend to be cautious, but many have become more tactically astute: While they might still express outward support for the C.P.P., many wanted change. When the party offered them gifts in exchange for a promise to vote for the C.P.P., they took the gifts and promised. But come election day, many cast their ballots against the ruling party. 

If this election shows anything it’s that Cambodian voters — once easy to manipulate in the name of stability — now expect much more from their leaders. 

What can they expect now of Hun Sen and the C.P.P.? Even if current election results stand, despite challenges by the opposition, the C.P.P. is due for some soul-searching. The party is on notice that Cambodians expect substantial reforms regarding inequality, corruption and social justice. Addressing these issues will be a great challenge, as it will undermine the C.P.P.’s vested interests, no least its monopoly over state resources and institutions. But if the party refuses to budge it will soon face an even more vocal opposition, backed by an even more restless youth. However flawed or unfair this election, the Cambodian people have spoken. 

Update: This article was updated to reflect the National Election Committee’s announcement on Friday that it would delay the release of official election results.  

Kheang Un is assistant professor of political science at Northern Illinois University.

Cambodia: NEC’s Independence Key to Post-Election Stability

By Colin Meyn and Kuch Naren - August 9, 2013

In December 2011, Surya Subedi, the U.N.’s human rights envoy for Cambodia, visited the country to assess state institutions relevant to the electoral process.

He concluded in a report released to the U.N.’s General Assembly in July 2012 that major electoral reforms were needed to maintain peace and stability in the country.

“If the electoral process is unable to command the trust and confidence of the electorate, the very foundation of the Cambodian political and constitutional architecture embodied in the Paris Peace Agreements will be shaken and the country may run the risk of a return to violence,” Mr. Subedi said in the report. 

–News Analysis

At the center of his concerns was the National Election Committee (NEC), the nine-member government body entrusted with ensuring that the will of the people is reflected in the outcome of elections.

“The National Election Commit­tee should be reformed so as to have independent and autonomous status,” the report says.

In order to achieve this, Mr. Subedi suggested that there be a consensus among political parties in the National Assembly on the appointment of the president and members of the NEC and pro­vincial election committees and said “New judicial bodies and mechanisms must be established outside the NEC in order to re­solve election-related disputes properly.”

His report was prophetic.

A year later, the NEC, which is stacked with members loyal to Prime Minister Hun Sen’s ruling CPP, finds itself at the center of an election-related dispute that requires a resolution.

Analysts and election monitors say if violence were to occur in the aftermath of the election, it would be the result of the government’s failure to implement Mr. Subedi’s recommendations.

“The root cause of this problem is they [Mr. Hun Sen’s administration] did not respect the recommendations of the U.N. rapporteur. This would be the root cause of the violence,” said Kem Ley, an independent political analyst.

“And the underlying causes of the violence [are that] they don’t want to improve voter registration, they don’t want to improve integrity of [the] voter list, they don’t want to improve the system of the election,” he added.

Thun Saray, chairman of the Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia’s (Comfrel) board of directors, said that unless the NEC allows an independent body to participate in the investigation of alleged election fraud on July 28, a peaceful solution to the current political impasse would be unlikely.

“If we don’t broaden the composition [of the election investigation committee], the CNRP will not accept [the election results], and if the CNRP doesn’t accept, it is because from the beginning to now they don’t trust the NEC or the results from the CPP. [The NEC] has to facilitate discussions between [the] two parties to find a compromise,” Mr. Saray said.

“If we can do that, we have a hope to solve the problem and avoid violent conflict in the near future,” he added.

Despite what the opposition alleges was selective removal of thousands of CNRP supporters from voter lists and widespread election fraud engineered by the CPP on polling day, the CNRP won 44.5 percent of the popular vote, according to preliminary NEC results.

Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha, the leaders of the opposition movement, have now said they will accept nothing less than victory and the removal of Mr. Hun Sen from power. They have also threatened, as a last resort, to hold nationwide protests and boycott the National Assembly if an independent investigation of election irregularities is not conducted outside of the authority of the NEC.

The CNRP has called for the U.N. to take the role of arbitrator in a multi-party committee, which would include the NEC and the CPP, tasked with investigating the electoral process—from voter registration, which was overseen largely by CPP-loyal commune and village chiefs, to the NEC’s ballot counting at polling stations.

Still, the NEC has pushed ahead with a timetable that will allow for only five days of investigations, which started Wednes­day, into election irregularities before releasing official preliminary results, which can be appealed to the Constitutional Council of Cambodia, another body widely considered to be CPP-aligned. The NEC has also refused calls from the CNRP and civil society groups to release documents that would allow for independent election monitors to investigate cases of possible identity fraud and election irregularities.

NEC Secretary-General Tep Nytha said Thursday that a three-member subcommittee, overseen by Mr. Nytha, would be charged with reviewing 14 reports of electoral misconduct that have been filed with his committee since August 2. Seven reports were submitted by the CNRP, the CPP submitted four, Funcinpec lodged two and one report came from a local authority.

“We will bring the reports before political parties and civil society groups in order to get comments from them on what we should do to settle the cases within the reports,” Mr. Nytha said. He added that the three-member NEC committee was up to the task of conducting a thorough in­vestigation of all 14 reports before this weekend is over.

“I don’t think the subcommittee needs to do field investigations. That is why we will meet with representatives from political parties and civil society to collect information so that we can contact election officials at the local level to find out whether such allegations occurred in that area,” Mr. Nytha said.

“After consolidating [the reports], there are only a few cases to be discussed this weekend,” he said.

This investigation process, including the 48 hours reserved for deliberation by the NEC, will be completed before official preliminary election results are released by Monday, according to Mr. Nytha.

Yim Sovann, spokesman for the CNRP, said that the opposition party has not decided whether it will attend the weekend meeting to discuss the complaints, but he was sure that the NEC’s investigation would not be sufficient for the CNRP and its supporters to accept the subsequent results.

“[The subcommittee] doesn’t work for us at all. We do not trust the NEC anymore. We don’t want to talk about this, we want to talk about creating a commission that can solve the problem impartially and independently,” Mr. Sovann said.

Phay Siphan, spokesman for the Council of Ministers, said that the CNRP’s refusal to accept the results of the election went against the will of the Cambodian people. He also said that proposed demonstrations would be treated by authorities as “riots” against the government.

“They have to adhere to the rule of law. The campaign period is over. There was a clear result of the voting. Now one must talk about democratic rule of law and respect it,” he said.

“We have a good mechanism and are competent enough to take care [of disagreements] in the National Assembly rather than…incite people to go on the streets and hold demonstrations that become a riot,” he said.

“I don’t know what [CNRP leaders] reject [the election re­sults] for. Do they want to see Cambodian blood on the streets?” Mr. Siphan asked.

Whatever happens, the NEC could still play a pivotal role in bringing together the CPP and CNRP for discussions on how to move forward before the CNRP resorts to demonstrations, said Sok Sam Oeun, a lawyer and member of the board of Comfrel.

“

The NEC must facilitate talks between both parties and then listen to them. The situation is not only about both parties but the people, especially the people who support the CNRP. That is why both parties must talk again so that they can calm the people down,” he said.

“The people do not believe the NEC, so I think only by forming a committee and opening a transparent investigation can they avoid a demonstration.”

© 2013, The Cambodia Daily. All rights reserved. No part of this article may be reproduced in print, electronically, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without written permission.

Cambodia: Time for Transformation?

Written by Caroline Hughes

Tuesday, 30 July 2013 But would things change if the opposition were able to form a government? A strong showing for Cambodia's opposition in Sunday's election suggests a rekindling of democratic hopes in the country. Commentators have suggested that increasing numbers of young voters - a networked and Facebooked post-war generation - have swung the vote away from the authoritarian Cambodian People's Party for the first time in a decade. However, the CPP has never enjoyed the overwhelming majorities that governments in neighboring Malaysia or Singapore are used to. It is the CPP's landslide win in the 2008 election - at the height of a boom, against a divided opposition, and with a border dispute with Thailand threatening to break into warfare - that was unusual. Aside from that election, the voters have always been fairly evenly split between pro- and anti-CPP blocs. The reason for this is that the postwar settlement in Cambodia, ushered in by a United Nations peacekeeping mission, has divided Cambodia into a nation of haves and have-nots. The country's economic reconstruction has been achieved through wholesale privatization of land, water, forests and fisheries, minerals, beaches and other resources. Since the free-market reforms that preceded the UN peacekeeping mission, the majority of the population, which engages in labor intensive and low-tech forms of rice farming for survival, has seen their access to resources such as water, timber, fish and fertilizer sharply restricted. At the same time, a series of land laws has not resulted in security of land tenure for many Cambodians. Land disputes remain a major source of social discontent, especially in border areas where military units sustain claims to large areas of land previously used for bases or maneuvers, and in urban areas where rapidly increasing property values have led to violent evictions of urban poor communities. At the same time, inadequate health services prompt the poor to sell land to pay for medical care, and a corrupt judiciary invariably finds for the richer party in land disputes. Because of these factors, inequality in landholdings, negligible in the late 1980s when Cambodia emerged from a socialist regime, has become one of the most skewed in Asia. As in the former Soviet Union, free market reforms in Cambodia have produced a class of wealthy and politically influential Cambodian tycoons. Many of the most powerful initially made their fortunes from state-awarded monopolies over import and export of goods such as petrol, pharmaceuticals and luxury liquor brands. They currently benefit from a development strategy that has seen millions of hectares of land awarded to developers for establishing plantations, displacing local people and ignoring customary rights to resources. In return, wealthy businessmen sponsored ruling party campaigns. In the 1990s, this included military campaigns against the insurgent Khmer Rouge and against the royalist party that won the UN-organized election but whose leader was ousted by a coup in 1997. More recently, tycoons have sponsored development drives in which CPP assistance for local development projects - roads, irrigation schemes and schools - is awarded in return for voter support at the polls. These development drives involve regular visits by members of the CPP party hierarchy to Cambodian village to spend time with village leaders and notables, and formal ceremonies in which villagers are expected to come and show their gratitude for the party's generosity. This development strategy has been very effective in producing a climate of surveillance and co-optation in villages, where nobody wants to be branded a rebel for fear of losing access to the goods on offer. In impoverished communities, loss of support from village leaders and exclusion from the benefits of development can be a matter of life and death. Discussion of the source of this wealth - in the mass privatization of resources previously freely accessed by the poor - is strictly taboo. Yet Cambodians have continued to protest whenever they are able. They protest against evictions, corruption, dispossessions and abuse of power. In 2012, 232 people were arrested for protesting over land rights in Cambodia, and one environmental activist was murdered. In the garment factories, which employ 300,000 young women for some of the lowest wages in Asia, and produce Cambodia's major manufactured export, unions organize in the face of continued discrimination and abuse, and strikes are frequent. And in national elections, a hard core of support has continued to vote for an opposition whose leaders have been repeatedly vilified in pro-CPP media, prosecuted, intimidated and exiled. The question for Cambodia, however, is whether votes for the opposition can produce change. The state apparatus and military are all staunchly CPP. The opposition coalition is led by one former Finance Minister who in his brief spell in office attempted genuinely but unsuccessfully to combat corruption, and a former human rights activist. Perhaps these two can muster sufficient political influence to inspire Cambodia's weak anti-corruption regime and prompt some improvement in Cambodia's weak and politicized judiciary. But it is hard to gauge from opposition party pronouncements how they might produce a development strategy for Cambodia that would significantly differ from that over which the CPP has presided. In terms of development, Cambodia has simply followed its more advanced South East Asian neighbors in pursuing a strategy of asset stripping the countryside and soaking up the dispossessed rural poor into low-wage manufacturing and services employment in the towns. Aside from cleaning up law enforcement and improving health and education somewhat, neither the opposition nor any of Cambodia's international donors are advocating anything much different. Chinese demand for commodities combined with the interest of Western pension funds in investing in primary sectors such as rubber and mining in the recent commodities boom entail that inward investment is oriented towards big extractive industries, rather than small scale alternatives. Regional investment has followed suit, combined with some investment in low-wage manufacturing for brands such as Gap and Disney. This suits the Cambodian tycoons, no matter who runs the government. The opposition's healthy showing in this election suggests that many Cambodians continue to look for change: but it is not clear that either the Cambodian elite or the outside world will offer them a significant opportunity to achieve it. (Caroline Hughes is a Professor of Conflict Resolution and Peace at the University of Bradford in the UK)

Slim margins in NEC data

Fri, 2 August 2013

Kevin Ponniah

In what seemed to be a direct response to the Cambodia National Rescue Party’s rejection of the election results, the National Election Commission on Wednesday night released more detailed provincial results.

The NEC statement noted, however, that it would not yet calculate the official seat numbers until it had dealt with electoral complaints.

Although the numbers back up widely disseminated unofficial results giving the Cambodian People’s Party 68 seats in the National Assembly to the CNRP’s 55, all three sets of figures released so far are different, analysts say.

“The NEC’s temporary figures for this moment, NEC’s initial figures broadcast on Sunday night on TVK and the [National Counter Terrorism Committee’s] early figures are all different from each other,” Shiro Harada, a visiting professor at Royal University, said.

The CNRP recently claimed its own results – yet to be released – prove it secured 63 seats, enough to form a government, with the extra seats coming from seven specific provinces.
It added that the party could have won up to 90 seats if voting figures were adjusted for polling irregularities.

Post analysis of the new NEC figures bore out some of the opposition’s claims, finding a narrow margin would have delivered an extra seat for the party in several provinces.

In Kandal, just under 900 extra votes would have won the opposition an additional seat, according to seat allocation formulas outlined in the election law.

Other provinces where the opposition claims its figures show it picking up more seats would require a much larger disparity from the NEC data.

Even 7,000 extra votes in Battambang, where the CNRP won three seats to the opposition’s five, would not garner an extra seat, while 10,000 more votes in Banteay Meanchey would also fail to get the opposition over the line.

Despite widespread irregularities, the CNRP would face an “uphill battle” to claim 63 seats, Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, said.

“The CNRP need to come up with proof, and they need to come up with proof quickly,” he said.

Election Surprise Tests Hun Sen’s Popularity, CPP’s Future Plans

By Colin Meyn and Kuch Naren - July 30, 2013

In the month leading up to Sunday’s national election, the face of Prime Minister Hun Sen was omnipresent in Cambodia.

Every few meters along the main boulevards in Phnom Penh, Mr. Hun Sen, depicted on Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) campaign banners, smiled and waved at passersby. In the provinces, the prime minister was shown on large roadside billboards, folding his hands in respect to villagers or seated in a rice paddy and wearing a krama.

In his speeches in the months leading up to the election, Mr. Hun Sen placed himself at the center of the CPP’s campaign platform.

រយៈ​​​ពេល​​​មួយ​​​ខែ​​​មុន​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​ជាតិ​​​ ​កាលពី​ថ្ងៃ​អាទិត្យ​​នេះ មុខ​​​របស់​​​លោក​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន គឺ​​​ឃើញ​​​មាន​​​នៅ​​​គ្រប់​​​​​​ទី​​​កន្លែង​​​​​​ក្នុង​​​ប្រទេស​​​ កម្ពុជា​​​។
នៅ​​​តាម​​​បណ្ដោយ​​​មហាវិថី​​​នានា​​​ក្នុង​​​រាជ​​​ធានី​​​ភ្នំពេញ​​​ លោក​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន ដែល​​​មាន​​​មុខ​​​​​​ក្នុង​​​ផ្ទាំង​​​ឃោសនា​​​របស់​​​គណបក្សប្រជា​​​ជន​​​ កម្ពុជា​​​ បាន​​​​​បញ្ចេញ​​​ស្នាម​​​ញញឹម និង​​​គ្រវីដៃ​​​ដាក់​​​អ្នក​​​ធ្វើ​​​ដំណើរ​​​ឆ្លង​​​កាត់​​​ទាំង​​​ឡាយ​​​ ។ នៅ​​​តាម​​​បណ្ដា​​​ខេត្ត​​​ មុខ​​​របស់​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី​​​រូប​​​នេះ​​​ត្រូវ​​​បាន​​​បង្ហាញ​​​ ក្នុង​​​ផ្ទាំង​​​ឃោសនា​​​ធំៗ​​​តាម​​​បណ្ដោយ​​​ផ្លូវនានា​​​​​​ ដោយ​​​លើក​​​ដៃ​​​សំពះ​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​ ឬ​​​អង្គុយ​​​​​​​​​​​បង់​​​ក្រមាក្នុង​​​វាល​​​ស្រែ​​​​​​។
ក្នុង​​​សុន្ទរកថា​​​រយៈ​​​​​ពេល​​​ប៉ុន្មាន​​​ខែ​​​មុន​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ ឆ្នោត​​​ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បាន​​​ចេញ​​​មុខ​​​យ៉ាង​​​ខ្លាំង​​​ក្នុង​​​យុទ្ធនាការ​​​ឃោសនា​​​របស់​​​គណ ​​​បក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​។ ឃ្លា​​​មួយ​​​ដែល​​​គេ​​​តែង​​​បាន​​​ឮ​​​ក្នុង​​​សុន្ទរកថា​​​របស់​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ខណៈ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​ខិត​​​ជិត​​​ចូល​​​មក​​​ដល់​​​នោះ​​​ គឺ​​​ “ ប្រសិន​​​បើ​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​​​​​​​អាណិត​​​ ចូល​​​ចិត្ត​​​ ស្រឡាញ់​​​ និង​​​ពេញ​​​ចិត្ត​​​ការ​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​​​របស់​​​ខ្ញុំ​​​ ហើយ​​​មាន​​​ទំនុក​​​ចិត្ត​​​លើ​​​ខ្ញុំ​​​ គឺ​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន ក្នុង​​​ការ​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​​​ប្រទេស​​​ឆ្ពោះ​​​ទៅ​​​រក​​​សុខ​​​សន្ដិភាព​​​ ស្ថិរភាព​​​ និង​​​ការ​​​អភិវឌ្ឍ​​​ដូច​​​សព្វ​​​ថ្ងៃ​​​នោះ​​​ សូម​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​ឲ្យ​​​គណបក្សប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​”។

ខណៈ​​​គណបក្សប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ទទួល​​​បាន​​​ជ័យ​​​ជម្នះ​​​ក្នុង​​ ​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​កាល​​​ពី​​​ថ្ងៃ​​​អាទិត្យ​​​នោះ​​​ គណបក្ស​​​នេះ​​​បាន​​​បាត់​​​បង់​​​អាសនៈ​​​យ៉ាង​​​ច្រើន​​​។ វា​​​គឺ​​​ជា​​​លទ្ធផល​​​ដែល​​​ក្រុម​​​អ្នក​​​វិភាគ​​​នយោបាយ​​​និយាយ​​​ថា អាច​​​ឆ្លុះ​​​បញ្ចាំង​​​ពី​​​ការ​​​ធ្លាក់​​​ចុះ​​​នូវ​​​ការ​​​គាំទ្រ​​​ និង​​​ប្រជា​​​ប្រិយភាព​​​របស់​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន​​​ ក្នុង​​​នាម​​​ជា​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី​​​ដែល​​​បាន​​​​​​កាន់​​​អំណាច​​ ​អស់​​​រយៈ​​​ពេល​​​ជាយូរ​​​មក​​​ហើយ​​​នោះ​​​។
ទោះ​​​ជា​​យ៉ាងណា​​​ មន្ត្រី​​​នៅក្នុង​​​ជួរ​​​គណ​​​បក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ បា​​​ន​​​ឲ្យ​​​ដឹង​​​កាល​​​ពី​​​ថ្ងៃ​​​ម្សិលមិញ​​​ថា ទោះ​​​បី​​​ជា​​​មាន​​​លទ្ធផល​​​បែប​​​នេះ​​​ក៏ដោយ​​​ ក៏​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន មិន​​​ប្រឈម​​​នឹង​​​ការ​​​​​​ដក​​​ចេញ​​​ពី​​​បេក្ខភាព​​​​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​ ​មន្ត្រី​​​​​​របស់​​​គណបក្ស​​​នេះ​​​ទេ​​​។

លោក ឈាង វុន អ្នក​​​នាំ​​​ពាក្យ​​​រដ្ឋ​​​សភា​​​​​​មក​​​ពី​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​ បាន​​​ប្រាប់​​​ក្រុម​​​អ្នក​​​យក​​​ព័ត៌មាន​​​នៅ​​​សណ្ឋាគារ​​​ភ្នំពេញ​​​ កាល​​​ពី​​​ម្សិល​​​មិញ​​​ថា “ ជ័យ​​​ជម្នះ​​​នេះ​​​មាន​​​ន័យ​​​ថា ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​ទទួល​​​យក​​​សម្ដេច​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្វើ​​​ជា​​​អ្នក​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​​​ប្រទេស​​​”។

លោក ផៃ​​​ ស៊ីផាន អ្នក​​​នាំ​​​ពាក្យ​​​ទី​​​ស្ដីការ​​​គណៈ​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី​​​ ក៏​​​បាន​​​លើក​​​ឡើង​​​កាល​​​ពី​​​ថ្ងៃ​​​ម្សិលមិញ​​​ផង​​​ដែរ​​​ថា លទ្ធផល​​​នៃ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​នេះ​​​ “ មិន​​​ឆ្លុះ​​​បញ្ចាំង​​​ពី​​​ប្រជា​​​ប្រិយភាព​​​របស់​​​​​​សម្ដេច​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន ទេ”។ ចំនួន​​​ [ អាសនៈ​​​របស់​​​គណបក្សប្រជា​​​ជន​​​នៅ​​​សភា​​​] នៅ​​​តែ​​​ស​​​បញ្ជាក់​​​ឲ្យ​​​ឃើញ​​​ថា សម្ដេច​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន នៅ​​​តែ​​​មាន​​​ប្រជា​​​ប្រិយភាព​​​ខ្លាំង​​​ ហើយ​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​ភាគ​​​ច្រើន​​​ត្រូវ​​​ការ​​​ឲ្យ​​​សម្ដេច​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​ ​​ប្រទេស​​​” ដោយ​​​លោក​​​បាន​​​បន្ថែម​​​ថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បាន​​​ដើ​​​រ​​​តួនាទី​​​នាំ​​​មុខ​​​រួច​​​​​​ហើយ​​​ក្នុ​​​ងការ​​​ធានា​​​ ពី​​​ជោគ​​​ជ័យ​​​​​​សម្រាប់​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​នៅ​​​ពេល​​ ​អនាគត​​​។

លោក​​​មាន​​​ប្រសាសន៍​​​បន្ត​​​ថា “ គណ​​​បក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​​​​​​​បាន​​​នាំ​​​មុខ​​​មួយ​​​ជំហាន​​​រួច​​​ទៅ​ ​​ហើយ​​​។ យុវជន​​​គឺ​​​ជា​​​​​​ឥទ្ធិពល​​​កំពុង​​​កើន​​​ឡើង​​​​​​នៅ​​​ក្នុង​​​ ប្រទេស​​​កម្ពុជា​​​។ ក្នុង​​​នាម​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ យើង​​​យល់​​​ថា យើង​​​អាច​​​រៀប​​​ចំ​​​គណ​​​បក្ស​​​នេះ​​​សម្រាប់​​​​​​យុវជន​​​ជំនាន់​​​ ថ្មី​​​តាម​​​រយៈ​​​ការ​​​រក្សា​​​កំណើន​​​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​​ យុត្តិធម៌​​​សង្គម និង​​​ការ​​​ធ្វើ​​​សមាហរណកម្ម​​​​​​​​​ទៅ​​​ក្នុង​​​ទី​​​ផ្សារនៅ​​​​​​ ក្នុង​​​តំបន់​​​ និង​​​ពិភព​​​លោក​​​”។
ប៉ុន្តែ លោក កឹម ឡី អ្នក​​​វិភាគ​​​នយោបាយ​​​ និង​​​ជា​​​អ្នក​​​ស្រាវ​​​ជ្រាវ​​​នៅឯ​​​​​​មជ្ឈមណ្ឌល​​​សិទ្ធិ​​​មនុស្ស​​ ​កម្ពុជា​​​​​​ បាន​​​លើក​​​ឡើង​​​ថា លទ្ធផល​​​នៃ​​​ការ​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​កាល​​​ពី​​​ថ្ងៃ​​​អាទិត្យ​​​នេះ​​​ស្ដែង​ ​​ឲ្យ​​​ឃើញ​​​ថា ការ​​​គាំ​​​ទ្រ​​​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​​​លោក​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន បាន​​​ធ្លាក់​​​ចុះ​​​ហើយ​​​។ លោក កឹម ឡី ​​​មាន​​​ប្រសាសន៍​​​ថា “ លទ្ធផល​​​នេះ​​​បង្ហាញ​​​ថា​​​ លោក​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្លាក់​​​ចុះ​​​ប្រជាប្រិយភាព​​​ខ្លាំង​​​ណាស់​​​។ ហើយ​​​របៀប​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​​​របស់​​​លោក​​​ ព្រម​​​ទាំង​​​ការ​​​គ្រប់​​​គ្រង​​​​​​កំណែ​​​ទម្រង់​​​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​​​មិ​​​ ន​​​បាន​​​ឆ្លុះ​​​បញ្ចាំង​​​ពី​​​ស្ថាន​​​ភាព​​​ពិត​​​ប្រាកដពាក់​​​ព័ន្ធ​ ​​នឹង​​​​​​តម្រូវ​​​ការ​​​របស់​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ទេ​​​”។

លោក ខាលីល ថេយ័រ (Carlyle Thayer) អ្នក​​​ជំនាញ​​​ផ្នែក​​​តំបន់​​​អាស៊ី​​​អាគ្នេយ៍​​​នៅ​​​សាលា​​​បណ្ឌិត​​​ សភា​​​កង​​​កម្លាំង​​​ការ​​​ពារជាតិ​​​អូស្ត្រាលី​​​ បាន​​​លើក​​​ឡើង​​​ថា ការ​​​ធ្លាក់​​​ចុះ​​​​​​យ៉ាង​​​ខ្លាំង​​​នូវ​​​ប្រជា​​​ប្រិយភាព​​​​​​របស់ ​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដូច​​​ដែល​​​ត្រូវ​​​បាន​​​បង្ហាញ​​​តាម​​​រយៈ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​កាល​​ ​ពី​​​ថ្ងៃ​​​អាទិត្យ​​​នេះ ​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​នឹង​​​ដាក់​​​សម្ពាធ​​​ថ្មី​​​​​​ឲ្យ​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន សិក្សា​​​ពី​​​កំណែ​​​ទម្រង់​​​​​​​​​របស់​​​គណបក្ស​​​សង្គ្រោះ​​​ជាតិ​​​ និង​​​ពី​​​សមាជិក​​​​​​ក្នុង​​​បក្ស​​​របស់​​​លោក​​​ផ្ទាល់​​​។

ទោះ​​​ជា​​​យ៉ាង​​​ណា  លោក ថេយ័រ បាន​​​សម្ដែង​​​មន្ទិល​​​មិន​​​ដឹង​​​ថា តើ​​​លោក​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន មាន​​​ឆន្ទៈ​​​ក្នុង​​​ការ​​​ធ្វើ​​​កំណែ​​​ទម្រង់​​​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​​​​​​ដែល​​ ​លោក​​​បា​​​ន​​​គ្រប់​​​គ្រង​​​អស់​​​រយៈ​​​ពេល​​​ជា​​​យូរ​​​មក​​​ហើយ​​​ ឬ​​​អត់​​​នោះ​​​ទេ​​​។ លោក​​​បាន​​​មាន​​​ប្រសាសន៍​​​ថា “ ខ្ញុំ​​​មិន​​​គិត​​​ថា ហ៊ុន សែន ជា​​​ប្រភេទ​​​មនុស្ស​​​ដែល​​​​​​ហ៊ាន​​​ក្រោក​​​ឈរ​​​ឡើង​​​និយាយ​​​ថា៖ ខ្ញុំ​​​បានធ្វើ​​​ខុស​​​ ហើយ​​​យើង​​​ត្រូវ​​​កែកុន​​​​​​វិញ​​​​​​  នោះទេ​”។​​​​​

លោក​​​ ថេយ័រ បាន​​​បន្ត​​​ថា “ ខ្ញុំ​​​មិន​​​គិត​​​ថា ​​​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នឹង​​​ឆ្លើយ​​​តប​​​ចំពោះ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​នោះ​​​តាម​​​រយៈ​​​ការ​​​ ធ្វើ​​​កំណែ​​​ទម្រង់​​​ឡើយ​​​។ ពួក​​​គេ​​​នឹង​​​មិន​​​​​​ធ្វើ​​​កំណែ​​​ទម្រង់​​​​​​លែង​​​ឲ្យ​​​មាន​​​ ការ​​​ចាប់​​​យក​​​ដី​​​ធ្លី​​​ និង​​​​​​​​​អំពើ​​​ពុក​​​រលួយ​​​ទេ​​​​​​។ កំណែ​​​ទម្រង់​​​ គឺ​​​មិន​​​អាច​​​ទៅ​​​រួច​​​ទេ​​​ ព្រោះ​​​មាន​​​ផល​​​ប្រយោជន៍​​​ច្រើន​​​ណាស់​​​ដែល​​​ត្រូវ​​​បាត់​​​បង់​​​ ”។

ក៏​​​ប៉ុន្តែ​​​ លោក ថេយ័រ បាន​​​លើក​​​ឡើង​​​ថា  ប្រសិន​​​បើ​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​មើល​​​ឃើញ​​​ថា ភាព​​​ទោមនស្ស​​​របស់​​​​​​ប្រជាជន​​​ចំពោះ​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បន្ត​​​កើន​​​ឡើង​​​ក្នុង​​​រយៈ​​​ពេល​​​​​ប្រាំ​​​ឆ្នាំ​​​បន្ទាប់​​​នោះ​​ ​ គណបក្ស​​​នេះ​​​ប្រហែល​​​ជា​​​គ្មាន​​​ជម្រើស​​​ណា​​​ផ្សេង​​​ក្រៅ​​​ពី​​​ ស្វះ​​​ស្វែង​​​រក​​​ផ្លូវ​​​ផ្សេង​​​សម្រាប់​​​ដើរ​​​ឡើយ​​​។
លោក​​​បាន​​​​ថ្លែង​​​​​​ថា “ ​​​ [​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជាជន​​​] បារម្ភ​​​ខ្លាច​​​​​​ការ​​​ផ្លាស់​​​ប្ដូរ​​​បង្ក​​​ឲ្យ​​​មាន​​​អស្ថិរភាព​ ​​ ដូច្នេះ​​​ពួក​​​គេ​​​ចង់​​​ធ្វើ​​​កំណែ​​​ទម្រង់​​​ក្នុង​​​កម្រិត​​​ អប្បបរមា​​​​។ ប៉ុន្តែ​​​​​​ពេល​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​លើក​​​ក្រោយ​​​មក​​​ដល់​​​ ពួក​​​គេ​​​អាច​​​នឹង​​​ភ្ញាក់​​​ខ្លួន​​​​​​ថា ការ​​​រក្សា​​​អ្វី​​​ៗ​​​ឲ្យ​​​​​​នៅ​​​ដដែល​​​​​​ គឺ​​​ជា​​​ការ​​​នាំ​​​មក​​​នូវ​​​ភាព​​​បរាជ័យ​​​​​​​​សម្រាប់​​​ខ្លួន​​​ ឯង​​​”។ លោក​​​បាន​​​បន្ថែម​​​ថា “ ក្នុង​​​ជួរ​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ផ្ទាល់​​​ អ្នក​​​ដែល​​​ស្និទ្ធ​​​នឹង​​​អ្នក​​​​​​កាន់​​​អំណាច​​​ក្នុង​​​បក្ស​​​ ប្រហែល​​​ជា​​​ត្រូវ​​​ប្រាប់​​​មេ​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​​​របស់​​​ខ្លួន​​​ថា ​​​គាត់​​​គ្មាន​​​សម្លៀក​​​បំពាក់​​​ជាប់​​​ខ្លួនទេ​​​​​​”។

លោក ចន ស៊ីយ៉ូស៊ីយ៉ារី (John Ciorciari) អ្នក​​​ជំនាញ​​​ផ្នែក​​​តំបន់​​​អាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍​​​ នៅ​​​មហា​​​វិទ្យាល័យ​​​គោល​​​នយោបាយ​​​សាធារណៈ​​​ ជើ​​​រ៉ល​​​ អ ហ្វដ (Gerald R. Ford  School of Public Policy) នៃ​​​សាកល​​​វិទ្យាល័យ​​​មីឈីហ្គែន (Michigan) បាន​​​លើក​​​ឡើង​​​ថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ​​​និង​​​គណ​​​បក្ស​​​​​​ប្រជា​​​ជ​​ន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​បាន​​​វេញ​​​ចូល​​​គ្នា​ ​​ជា​​​ធ្លុង​​​មួយ​​​មិន​​​អាច​​​បំបែក​​​ចេញ​​​ពី​​​គ្នា​​​បាន​​​ឡើយ ពោល​​​គឺ​​​ជោគ​​​វាសនា​​​របស់​​​គណ​​​​​​បក្ស​​​នេះ​​​ផ្អែក​​​លើ​​​​​​ បេក្ខភាព​​​ជា​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី​​​​​​របស់​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន។

​​​​​​​​​លោក​​​បាន​​​មាន​​​​​​ប្រសាសន៍​​​ថា  “ គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ និង​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន គឺ​​​ប្រៀប​​​ដូច​​​ជា​​​​​​មនុស្ស​​​តែ​​​ម្នាក់​​​ ដូច្នេះ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​គឺ​​​ប្រៀប​​​ដូច​​​ជា​​​ការ​​​ធ្វើ​​​ប្រជា ​​​មតិអំ​​​​​​ពី​​​ការ​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​​​របស់​​​លោក​​​ផង​​​ និង​​​អំ​​​ពី​​​គណបក្ស​​​នេះ​​​ផង​​​។ ប៉ុន្តែ​​​ទោះ​​​បីជា​​​សមាជិក​​​មួយ​​​ចំនួន​​​របស់​​​គណ​​​បក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​ ​ជន​​​ចាត់​​​ទុក​​​លទ្ធផល​​​នៃ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​នេះ​​​ថា ជា​​​ការ​​​ឆ្លុះ​​​បញ្ចាំង​​​មិន​​​ល្អ​​​ពី​​​មេ​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​​​របស់​​​ ខ្លួ​​​ន​​​ក៏​​​ដោយ​​​ ក៏​​​វា​​​មិន​​​ច្បាស់​​​សោះ​​​ឡើយ​​​ថា តើ​​​នឹង​​​មាន​​​ភាគី​​​​​​ប្រឆាំង​​​ណា​​​មួយមាន​​​​​​លទ្ធភាព​​​ទទួល​​​ បាន​​​ការ​​​គាំ​​​ទ្រ​​​ល្ម​​​ម​​​នឹង​​​ប្រជែង​​​​​យក​​​បេក្ខភាព​​​ជាមួយ ​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី​​​រូប​​​នេះ​​​​​​ឬអត់​​​នោះ​​​”។

លោក រស់​​​ ចិន្ត្រាបុត្រ​​​ សមាជិក​​​​​​រាជ​​​បណ្ឌិត​​​សភា​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ និង​​​ជា​​​ទី​​​ប្រឹក្សា​​​របស់​​​លោក​​​នាយក​​​​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បាន​​​លើក​​​ឡើងថា គឺ​​​គណ​​​បក្ស​​​សង្គ្រោះ​​​ជាតិ​​​ដែល​​​បាន​​​ដៅ​​​ចំ​​​​​​លោក​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន ក្នុង​​​ការ​​​អំពាវ​​​នាវ​​​រ​​​បស់​​​ខ្លួន​​​​​​ឲ្យ​​​មាន​​​ការ​​​ “ ផ្លាស់​​​ប្ដូរ​​​” អំឡុង​​​យុទ្ធ​​​នាការ​​​ឃោសនា​​​រក​​​សំឡេ​​​ង​​​ឆ្នោត​​​។
លោក​​​បាន​​​មាន​​​ប្រសាសន៍​​​ថា “ គណបក្ស​​​ប្រឆាំង​​​​​​បាន​​​អំពាវ​​​នាវ​​​ឲ្យ​​​មាន​​​ការ​​​ផ្លាស់​​​ ប្ដូរ​​​​​​ដោយ​​​សំដៅ​​​លើ​​​សម្ដេច​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន មិន​​​មែន​​​លើគណបក្ស​​​នយោបាយ​​​ទេ​​​។ វា​​​ហាក់​​​ដូច​​​ជា​​​ថា ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​នេះ​​​មិន​​​មែន​​​​​​ដើម្បី​​​ជ្រើ​​​ស​​​រើស​​​ គណបក្ស​​​នយោបាយ​​​ឡើយ​​​​​​ ប៉ុន្តែ​​​ដើម្បី​​​ប្រជែង​​​យក​​​តំណែង​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​​​​មន្ត្រី​​​​​​​ ​​ទៅ​​​វិញ​​​ទេ​​​” ដោយ​​​លោក​​​បាន​​​បន្ថែម​​​ថា លទ្ធផល​​​នៃ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​នេះ​​​ គឺ​​​ជា​​​ភ័ស្តុតាង​​​បញ្ជាក់​​​ពី​​​ការ​​​បន្ត​​​គាំ​​​ទ្រ​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន។

លោក ផាវីន ឆាឆាវ៉ាល់ប៉ុងពុន (Pavin Chachavalpongpun) សាស្ត្រាចារ្យ​​​រង​​​នៅ មជ្ឈមណ្ឌល​​​សម្រាប់​​​ការ​​​សិក្សា​​​ពី​​​តំបន់​​​អាស៊ី​​​អាគ្នេយ៍​​​  (Center for Southeast Asian Studies)  នៃ​​​សាកល​​​វិទ្យាល័យ​​​ក្យូតុ (Kyoto University)  បាន​​​លើក​​​ឡើង​​​ថា លទ្ធផល​​​នៃ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​នេះ​​​ មិន​​​មែន​​​គ្រាន់​​​តែ​​​ជា​​​​​​​​​​​​ការ​​​ឆ្លុះ​​​បញ្ចាំ​​​ង​​​​​​ពី ​​​ការ​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​​​របស់​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន​​​ ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​​​ទេ ប៉ុន្តែ​​​វាក៏​​​ជា​​​​​​សារ​​​ពញាក់​​​ស្មារតី​​​​​​មួយ​​​ថា ​​​អ្នក​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​នៅ​​​កម្ពុជា​​​លែង​​​ជឿ​​​លើ​​​ការ​​​សន្យា​​របស់ ​​​គណ​​​បក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​​​​អំពី​​​ការ​​​រក្សា​​​ស្ថិរភាព​​​ និង​​​ការ​​​អភិវឌ្ឍ​​​​​​ជាមូល​​​ដ្ឋាន​​​ទៀត​​​ហើយ​​​។

លោក​​​បាន​​​មាន​​​ប្រសាសន៍​​​ថា “ ខ្ញុំ​​​គិត​​​ថា លទ្ធផល​​​នេះ​​​មិន​​​មែន​​​គ្រាន់តែ​​​ឆ្លុះ​​​បញ្ចាំង​​​ពី​​​ការ​​​យល់​​ ​ឃើញ​​​របស់​​​អ្នក​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​ចំពោះ​​​ការ​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​​​របស់​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​​​ទេ​​​​​​​​​ តែ​​​​​​ក៏​​​បង្ហាញ​​​ពី​​​កម្រិត​​​នៃ​​​ការ​​​ផ្លាស់​​​ប្ដូរ​​​ទិដ្ឋភាព ​​​​​​​​​​​​នយោបាយ​​​នៅ​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ផង​​​ដែរ​​​​​​​​​” ដោយ​​​លោក​​​បាន​​​បន្ថែម​​​ថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន មិន​​​ទំនង​​​ថា នឹង​​​ធ្វើ​​​សម្បទាន​​ច្រើន​​​​​​​​​​​​ដែល​​​អាច​​​​​​ធ្វើ​​​ឲ្យ​​​លោក​​ ​ប្រឈម​​​នឹង​​​ការ​​​របូត​​​អំណាច​​​ពី​​​ដៃ​​​ទេ​​​។
លោក ឆាឆាវ៉ាល់ប៉ុងពុន បាន​​​បន្ត​​​ថា “ ជា​​​ការ​​​ឆ្លើយ​​​តប​​​ចំពោះ​​​ការ​​​ធ្លាក់​​​ចុះ​​​នូវ​​​ការ​​​គាំទ្រ​ ​​ចំពោះ​​​គណបក្ស​​​របស់​​​ខ្លួន​​​ គណបក្ស​​​​​​កំពុង​​​កាន់​​​អំណាច​​​នេះ​​​ចាំ​​​បាច់​​​ត្រូវ​​​ដឹក​​​នាំ​ ​​ការ​​​ធ្វើ​​​កំណែ​​​ទម្រង់​​​នយោបាយ​​​​​​តាម​​​រយៈ​​​ការ​​​ពង្រឹង​​​ ស្ថាប័ន​​​ប្រជា​​​ធិបតេយ្យ​​​។ ប៉ុន្តែ​​​វា​​​ប្រហែល​​​ជា​​​តម្រូវ​​​ឲ្យ​​​មាន​​​ការ​​​លះបង់​​​ពី​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដែល​​​មិន​​​ទំនង​​​ថា អាច​​​ទៅ​​​រួច​​​ឡើយ​​​។

លោក ខៀវ កាញារីទ្ធ​​​ រដ្ឋ​​​មន្ត្រី​​​ក្រសួង​​​ព័ត៌មាន​​​​​​ដែល​​​បាន​​​បញ្ចេញ​​​លទ្ធផល​​​បឋម ​​​នៃ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​ដែល​​​បង្ហាញ​​​ថា បក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​បាន​​​បាត់​​​បង់​​​២២​​​អាសនៈ​​​នៅ​​​សភា​​​នោះ​​​ បាន​​​ហៅ​​​ការ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​នេះ​​​ថា ជា​​​ “ សារ​​​ពញាក់​​​ស្មារតី​​​សម្រាប់​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​”  ប៉ុន្តែ​​​លោក​​​បានសន្មត​​​​​​ថា “ យុទ្ធ​​​នាការ​​​​​​​​​រើស​​​អើង​​​ជាតិ​​​សាសន៍​​​” និង​​​ “ ការ​​​សន្យា​​​ខ្យល់​​​” ពី​​​បក្ស​​​ប្រឆាំង​​​ គឺ​​​ជា​​​មូល​​​ហេតុ​​​​​​នៅ​​​ពី​​​ក្រោយ​​​ជ័យ​​​ជម្នះ​​​​​​ក្នុង​​​ការ ​​​បោះឆ្នោត​​​នេះ​​។
លោក​​​បាន​​​លើក​​​ឡើង​​​តាម​​​ហ្វេសប៊ុក​​​​​​ថា “ ទោះ​​​បី ជា​​​មាន​​​ការ​​​ធ្វើ​​​យុទ្ធនាការ​​​រើ​​​ស​​​អើង​​​ជាតិ​​​សាសន៍​​​… ទោះ​​​បី​​​ជា​​​មាន​​​ការ​​​សន្យា​​​ខ្យល់​​​ក៏​​​ដោយ​​​ ក៏​​​អ្នក​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​នៅតែ​​ជ្រើ​​​ស​​​រើស​​​​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​ ​​កម្ពុជា​។ ក្នុ​​​ង​​​ពេល​​​ជា​​​មួយ​​​គ្នា​​​នេះ​​​ វា​​​ក៏​​​ជា​​​សារ​​​ពញាក់​​​ស្មារត​​​ី​​​​​​គណ​​​បក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​ក​ ​​ម្ពុជា​​​​​​កុំឲ្យ​​​ភ្លេច​​​ខ្លួន​​​។ យើង​​​ចាំ​​​បាច់​​​ត្រូវ​​​កែ​​​សម្រួល​​​​​​ការ​​​ងារ​​​របស់​​​យើង​​​ឲ្យ ​​​មាន​​​ភាព​​​ប្រសើ​​​រឡើង​​​​​​”។ លោក​​​បាន​​​បន្ថែម​​​ថា “ ប៉ុន្តែ ចំណុច​​​ខ្លាំង​​​របស់​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជា​​​ជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​គឺ​​​ថា គណបក្ស​​​នេះ​​​មាន​​សមត្ថភាព​​​​​​សម្រប​​​ខ្លួន​​​ទៅ​​​នឹង​​​ការ​​​ ផ្លាស់​​​ប្ដូរ​​​ ហើយ​​​ដឹង​​​ពី​​​វិធី​​​សាស្ត្រ​​​ក្នុង​​​ការ​​​ទាញ​​​យក​​​ផល​​​ប្រយោជន៍ ​​​ពី​​​ស្ថាន​​​ភាព​​​ដែល​​​លំបាក​​​បំផុត​​​”។

លោក ដេវីដ ឈែនល័រ (David Chandler) អ្នក​​​សិក្សា​​​ពី​​​ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ បាន​​​លើក​​​ឡើង​​​ថា ការ​សម្រប​​​ខ្លួន​​​បែប​​​នេះ​​​ក៏​​​ប្រហែល​​​ជា​​​មាន​​​ន័យ​​​ថា ខណៈ​​​ដែល​​​លោក​​​ ហ៊ុន សែន មិន​​​ប្រឈម​​​នឹង​​​ការ​​​ដក​​​បេក្ខភា​​​ព​​​ជា​​​នាយក​​​រដ្ឋ​​​ មន្ត្រីក្នុង​​​ពេល​​​ខ្លី​​​នោះ​​​ លទ្ធផ​​​ល​​​នៃ​​​កា​​​រ​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​​​​ថ្មី​​​បំផុត​​​នេះ​​​អាច​​​ នឹង​​​ជំរុញ​​​ឲ្យ​​​លោក​​​ធ្វើ​​​សម្បទាន​​​ជាមួយ​​​គូ​​​ប្រជែង​​​នយោបាយ​ ​​របស់​​​លោក​​​ដើម្បី​​​ធ្វើ​​​តាម​​​ការ​​​សន្យា​​​​​​ស្ដី​​​ពី​​​ការ​​​ បន្ត​​​កាន់​​​​​​អំណាច​​​រយៈ​​​ពេល​​​ប៉ុន្មាន​​​ទសវត្សរ៍​​​ទៀត​​​។

លោក​​​​​​មាន​​​ប្រសាសន៍​​​​​​ថា “ លទ្ធផល​​​នៃ​​​ការ​​​​​​បោះ​​​ឆ្នោត​​​​​​នេះ​​​អាច​​​នឹង​​​ពន្លឿន​​​ការ​​ ​ចាក​​​ចេញ​​​​​​ពី​​​អំណាច​​​នៅ​​​អាយុ​​​៧៤​​​ឆ្នាំ​​​ដូច​​​ការ​​​សន្យា​ ​​ [របស់​​​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន]។ ខ្ញុំ​​​ហ៊ាន​​​និយាយ​​​ថា អ្វី​​​ៗ​​​គឺ​​​អាស្រ័យ​​​លើ​​​អ្វី​​​ដែល​​​នឹង​​​កើត​​​ឡើង​​​ក្នុង​​​ រយៈ​​​ពេល​​​ប៉ុន្មាន​​​សប្ដាហ៍​​​បន្ទាប់​​​នេះ​​​ មិ​​​ន​​​មែន​​​​​​​​ការ​បែង​​​ចែក​​​អំណាច​​​ទេ​​​ ប៉ុន្តែ​​​គឺ​​​ថា តើ​​​គាត់​​​មាន​​​ចិត្ត​​​ផ្លាស់​​​ប្ដូរ​​​ទម្រង់​​​ការ​​​ងារ​​​ដើម្បី​​ ​ទប់​​​ទល់​​​នឹង​​​សម្ពាធ​​​ដែល​​​គណបក្ស​​​ប្រឆាំង​​​បាន​​​ដាក់​​​លើ​​​ គណបក្ស​​​ប្រជាជន​​​កម្ពុជា​​​ ដែរ​​​ឬក៏​​អត់​​​”៕

(រាយការណ៍​​​បន្ថែម​​​ដោយ Simon Marks និង ផន បុប្ផា)
ប្រែ​​​សម្រួល​​​ដោយ ភួន ច័ន្ទសេរីវុធ

Cambodia:CNRP Will Be Troublesome for CPP-Led Assembly

By Zsombor Peter - July 30, 2013

Despite suffering a major hit in the parliamentary election Sunday, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) will hold on to a majority of National Assembly seats for another five years should unofficial results released by the information minister stand.

Under the country’s Constitution, a simple majority is all that is needed to form a government and pass most laws.

But having relieved the CPP of its supermajority in Parliament, the opposition could make life very hard for Prime Minister Hun Sen, and for the first time turn the CPP-led Parliament into something more than a rubber stamp, analysts and legal experts said Monday.

“

Now they have to deal with the opposition, they cannot do like before,” said Son Soubert, a former member of the country’s Con­stitutional Council, who recently allied with the opposition.

With 123 seats in the Assembly, the CPP needed only 62 lawmakers to form the next government and says it won 68.

But Mr. Soubert said the magic number is actually 82 seats. That’s how many lawmakers the Assembly needs just to hold a meeting. Without that quorum, he said, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), which won the other 55 seats on Sunday, could effectively hold the government to ransom.

“What the Rescue Party can do, they can refuse to join the National Assembly, and then the National Assembly cannot form,” he said.

 

The Constitution says a “valid” meeting of the Assembly needs at least two-thirds of all lawmakers, or 82 members. After Sunday’s elections, the CPP is 14 seats short of the constitutional requirement.

The National Election Committee (NEC) has yet to endorse the information minister’s poll results released on Sunday evening. The CNRP has rejected that result and is demanding an independent investigation into allegations of widespread polling irregularities that it says may have robbed it of an outright victory.

But should the preliminary numbers roughly hold, said independent political analyst Kem Ley, the opposition can use the CPP’s modest majority to its advantage to push through parts of its own agenda.

The CPP may technically have enough votes to pass most laws short of a constitutional amendment, he said, but it won’t be passing much if the opposition refuses to let the National Assembly even meet.

“If they can’t persuade the opposition to attend the meeting, how can they pass the law?” he said. “They need the quorum to meet, so the CPP will need to compromise with the CNRP.”

Mr. Ley said he expected the CPP to give way on some of the opposition’s key campaign pledges, including raising wages for civil servants and tightening immigration policies.

Besides the legislative math, he said, the CPP could no longer ignore the reality that a great many Cambodians no longer want what it has to offer.

“They realize the majority of the people want change, that the people are not happy with them, so even though they control all the ministries they will feel pressure to change.”

Sok Sam Oeun, a prominent lawyer who heads the Cambodian Defenders Project, a legal aid NGO, said the momentum was clearly with the opposition.

“Right now they have the power,” he said. “The opposition can use this as a chance for compromise, otherwise they will not join the meeting to form the Parliament.”

Even if the opposition does let the CPP form the next government, it can still keep the Assembly from meeting any time it wants.

“It has a lot of power,” Mr. Sam Oeun said. “It has the power to negotiate and it can control the legislature.”

The opposition will not have a shot at any ministries without entering into an official coalition with the CPP, which Mr. Sam Oeun said was unlikely after the uninspiring example set by Funcinpec during its coalitions with the CPP.

After the royalist party joined the CPP as a junior coalition partner following the national elections in 1993, 1998, 2003 and 2008, it won some ministry posts but watched its political fortunes steadily dwindle, and on Sunday failed to win a single Assembly seat.

“

The CPP wants a coalition,” Mr. Sam Oeun said. “For example after forming the coalition with Funcinpec, it could destroy Funcinpec.”

He said the opposition was more likely to try to parlay its newfound power into some control over a few Assembly commissions, the powerful finance commission first and foremost.

CPP lawmaker Chheang Vun, whose own Assembly seat was cast into some doubt after the party’s modest showing on Sunday in his home province of Battambang, said the prospects are still good for his party.

“I don’t know yet if the two parties have plans to talk about their roles on the nine commissions, but I think the CNRP will have a role,” he said. “I think the two parties will negotiate.”

But Mr. Vun dismissed any talk of a coalition with the CNRP or compromising with it on any new laws.

“We cannot follow the policies of the opposition party because the party lost the election,” he said. “They have no right to demand anything because the people voted for the Cambodian People’s Party.”

But a CPP secretary of state, speaking on condition of ano­nymity, conceded that business as usual at the National Assembly was likely over.

“The CPP will have [a] more difficult time in the National Assembly,” he said. “There will be more political discussion, more stalemate.”

The former Constitutional Council member, Mr. Soubert, said the CPP simply could not ignore the will of so many Cambodians who voted for change, and the violence that erupted on election day should remind the ruling party of the growing frustration of the people.

“The results clearly show that their policies are not exactly what the people wanted,” he said. “If the people feel frustrated, there will be unrest.”

(Additional reporting by Aun Pheap)

Ruling People's Party claims victory in Cambodian election

By Reuters, AFP

 

The Cambodian People's Party has claimed electoral victory. The long-serving Prime Minister's Hun Sen's party beat out seven other parties to retain control. 

Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party (PPP) announced its victory in parliamentary elections on Sunday, saying it had won 68 of 123 seats.

"We can say we've won this election," party spokesman Khieu Kanharith told the AFP news agency.

Despite winning overall, with 55 parliamentary seats going to the opposition, the ruling party lost more than 20 seats in Sunday's election.

The National Election Committee has not yet published figures, but the information minister posted the above figures on his Facebook page, noting that they were the final count.

The leader of the opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party's (CNRP) Sam Rainsy, had announced a victory earlier but later withdrew the claim.

Long reign

Hun Sen, 60, has been at the helm in Cambodia, one of the world's poorest countries, for nearly three decades. He has been accused in the past of committing human rights violations and silencing detractors.

He cast his own ballot on Sunday morning near his home in Takhmau in Kandal province. His opponent, Rainsy, returned to Cambodia this month after four years of self-imposed exile, voting near his party's office in Phnom Penh, where he was greeted by enthusiastic supporters.

Sunday marked the fifth general election for Cambodia since 1993.

Reports of irregularity

The count of paper ballots began shortly after the polls closed on Sunday afternoon, with political party representatives keeping an eye on the process.

There were some reports of voting irregularities on social media and from election watchdog groups, but more information is unlikely to emerge until Monday.

tm/dr (Reuters, AFP)

Cambodia election: Hun Sen's ruling party claims victory

28 July 2013 Last updated at 15:50 GMT 

BBC/News Asia

 

Cambodia's ruling party has claimed victory in Sunday's elections, but is likely to have a much reduced majority.

The Cambodian People's Party (CPP) led by Prime Minister Hun Sen said it had won at least 68 seats, compared with 55 seats for the main opposition.

Official results have not yet been released, but if these numbers are confirmed it would be the CPP's worst performance in 15 years. 

Hun Sen has been in power in Cambodia for nearly three decades.

His main challenge in the elections is from the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), led by Sam Rainsy, who recently came back to the country from self-imposed exile. 

More than nine million people were eligible to vote, and results are expected later on Sunday.

Unfair polls?
 
The CPP had been widely expected to win the election.

The party enjoys considerable support in the countryside - in part due to the economic growth achieved there after the devastation caused by the Khmer Rouge regime in the 1970s, which was responsible for one of the worst mass killings of the 20th Century.

Younger voters were thought more likely to look for a change and back Sam Rainsy and the opposition.

In 2010 Mr Rainsy was sentenced in absentia to 11 years in prison, on a series of charges he says were politically motivated.

 

The party of Sam Rainsy, left, is Hun Sen's main challenge at the polls

 

But analysts say his return to the country early in July seems to have helped his party's cause.
Mr Rainsy's party has complained that the polls were fraudulent, with some voters unable to find their names on electoral lists.

Hun Sen, 60, was among the early voters on Sunday, casting his ballot shortly after polls opened near his home in Takmau, south of the capital Phnom Penh.

Sam Rainsy, 64, visited a polling station near his party's office in Phnom Penh where supporters greeted him enthusiastically.

"I am happy to see people flocking to vote," he said.


"I am happy to see people flocking to vote," he said.