Modern youth almost forget their own language

Wednesday, 18 July 2012

Tong Soprach

 

 

All over the world groups of people speak a same language and may sound completely different from each other. This also applies to Cambodians: some of them speak fast, some speak slowly; others use slang. That depends on the area they live in – and lately very much on their age. Many young Khmers speak their own language using accents from countries far away from the area they live in.

Cambodia opened its home market to the rest of the world in the early nineties. With it came the need to communicate with foreigners in different languages and many Cambodians sat down and began to study hard. English, especially, became popular. One has to say though that in the beginning, pedagogic techniques ranged from either questionable to non-existent.

With even greater ambition than in the early nineties, young Cambodians study foreign languages today, mainly English. That, however, softened their voices and slurred their pronunciation, giving older Khmers a hard time to understand the young generation. This problem becomes even more imminent when young Khmers had the chance to go abroad as an exchange student. Not only language is affected by change but also style and behaviour.

Sometimes, young Khmers change so much that they find themselves to be very different from their older Khmer friends. Well, and when they are on cloud number nine with a Western sweetheart they may forget that they are Khmer all together.

The question coming up now is why studying a foreign language changes so many young Khmers in the way they speak and behave? A possible explanation is that they want to show-off, letting everybody know how well they speak a foreign language. Another explanation is that many young Khmers inconsiderately adapt to Western ideas – however obscure and foul they may be.

By just saying “Yes” and “OK” to everything foreign, Cambodian ways of life, tradition and ideas get neglected.

A simple example is the way a young Khmer would address participants of a workshop or a national or international meeting: “Sour Sday Neak Teang Ars Knear!” translates to a simple “Hello everybody!” An informal salute like this disesteems the presence of older people and this therefore disrespectful.

Acknowledging differences in age and also position however is a vital aspect of the Khmer culture and should not be given up just like that. How hard could it be to just say: “Som Korop Lok Loksrey Deal Mean Watamean Nouv Tineas” which translates to: “Dear respected ladies and gentlemen who are present here today!”

Consequently, youths are facing the difficulty of communicating with possible working places and government. Unintelligibly there are parents that don’t allow young Cambodians to learn their own Khmer language at all.

Ironically, children of Chinese and Vietnamese origin who came to live in Cambodia whether legally or illegally make efforts to speak Khmer well. If they were born and raised in Cambodia they mostly speak Khmer fluently, making efforts to use proper accents and phrases.

This should remind Khmer youths who have started to neglect their mother tongue and cultural identity of the aphorism by Krom Ngoy said who said: “Komdeal Neaksrae Trokol Aeng Khmer Komprae Krolas!” “Don’t look down on the Cambodian peasants, because you are Cambodian yourself. Keep it real!”

Indonesia plays peacemaker

Friday, 20 July 2012

Vong Sokheng and David Boyle

 

 Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa (left) talks to his Cambodian counterpart Hor Namhong (facing away) during a meeting in Phnom Penh yesterday. Photograph: Meng Kimlong/Phnom Penh Post

 

In what he described as intensive “shuttle diplomacy” to restore ASEAN consensus on the South China Sea dispute, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa touched down in Phnom Penh yesterday following trips to Manila and Hanoi in the past 36 hours.

Stopping off before heading to Singapore, Natalegawa met with Cambodia Foreign Minister and current ASEAN chair Hor Namhong to thrash out the details of a statement on the issue that polarised member countries and China during last week’s ASEAN Regional Forum in Phnom Penh.

“We, ASEAN foreign ministers, agreed in principle on a number of issues over the South China Sea issue,” Namhong told reporters afterward.

Namhong provided no details of the agreements, but said he hoped to release a statement today pending approval from all 10 ASEAN foreign ministers.

Negotiations on a Code of Conduct to tackle competing claims over the South China Sea broke down during the summit and led to the failure of the 10-country bloc to issue a final joint communiqué for the first time in its 45-year history.

But Natalegawa told reporters he had spoken to all ASEAN foreign ministers bar one and said there was consensus on the basic principles of tackling the South China Sea.

“The fact is, despite suggestions to the contrary … ASEAN remains united, ASEAN remains cohesive and therefore, ASEAN remains able to fulfil its role in the central and driving seat in our region,” he said.

At the summit, he labelled the failure of ASEAN states to agree on key elements of the COC as “utterly irresponsible”.

Four ASEAN member states have claims to the South China Sea. Two of the countries, Vietnam and the Philippines, have active disputes with China.

China claims almost all of the waters, which carry about half of the world’s shipping tonnage, or some US$5 trillion in trade per year, and are thought to be rich in oil and gas.

Chinese state-run news agency Xinhua reported yesterday that a fleet of 30 fishing boats arrived on Wednesday at a reef in the Spratly Islands, which are also claimed by the Philippines, Vietnam and Taiwan.

The burgeoning super power favours a bilateral approach to negotiations for competing claims in the disputed waters, while US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pushed for a multilateral talks at the summit.

Cambodia has been accused of sidling up to China during the summit by stifling negotiations on the COC.

It is an accusation Cambodian officials vehemently reject, pointing to the 130 points of the joint communiqué that were agreed to outside of the South China Sea.

“ASEAN is proactive, so we are moving forward rather than the past,” said Foreign Affairs Secretary of State Kao Kim Hourn.

Political analyst Lao Mong Hay said the fact that Indonesia had taken the initiative to patch up differences suggested the failure of negotiations last week had been serious.

“I think Indonesia has been pursuing what is known as the ASEAN way; they will try to reach compromise even if it is not so meaningful. I think they have to restore unity after the collapse of the last meeting.”

ASEAN Readies Stand on Sea Row

The Southeast Asian grouping is set to make a common position on its maritime row with China.

 Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong (R) and his Indonesian counterpart, Marty Natalegawa, meet for talks in Phnom Penh, July 19, 2012. 

A week after failed talks, Southeast Asian nations are poised to issue a joint statement underlining their common position on the South China Sea territorial dispute with China.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will issue the statement on Friday, Hor Namhong, the foreign minister of Cambodia, the current ASEAN chair, said after talks on Thursday with his Indonesian counterpart Marty Natalegawa in Phnom Penh.

The 10-member ASEAN was scheduled to issue a customary joint statement incorporating the main points of its annual ministerial talks, including the hotly debated overlapping territorial claims in the South China Sea, last week but put it off for the first time in its 45-year history.

Cambodia, China's key Southeast Asian ally, decided against issuing the statement after the Philippines and Vietnam, which have territorial disputes with Beijing, insisted that the communique include a specific reference to Beijing's alleged encroachment in their respective exclusive economic zones and continental shelves, diplomats said.

Some ASEAN diplomats said China used its mighty influence over Cambodia to prevent any statement that may be damaging to Beijing but Hor Namhong said his government does not support any side in the dispute.

He said on Thursday "solutions" have been found by ASEAN states over the issue and "details" will be provided on Friday.

"I am ASEAN chair, I would like to have a positive results,” he said, with Indonesian minister Natalegawa beside him.

Mediator

Natalegawa had taken on the role of mediator after the ministerial talks failed to reach a common position on the maritime row, visiting Hanoi and Manila before going to the Cambodian capital Phnom Penh to forge a consensus on the issue.

"I have already informed the ASEAN chair about the solutions,” he said, adding that ASEAN members will strive to resolve the dispute based on international law and without use of force.

Beijing claims sovereignty over nearly all of the South China Sea but ASEAN members the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Brunei have overlapping claims in the area, which is believed to contain vast oil and gas reserves.

A standoff at the Scarborough Shoal, a horseshoe-shaped reef in waters that both China and the Philippines claim, began earlier this year when Manila accused Chinese fishermen of poaching in its exclusive economic zone, including the shoal. Both sides had sent government ships to the area.

Vietnam has faced its own problems with China, mostly resulting from Beijing's detention of Vietnamese fishermen in disputed waters. Hanoi has also protested a recent announcement by the state Chinese oil company opening nine oil and gas lots for international bidders in areas overlapping with existing Vietnamese exploration blocks.

Solidarity threatened

ASEAN's diplomatic crisis underscores the extent to which the long-running maritime dispute has dampened solidarity within the grouping and China's expanding influence in the region as it flexes its economic and military muscle, analysts say.

The row has also held up progress on a proposed "code of conduct" between ASEAN and China aimed at preventing any armed conflicts in the contested waters.

ASEAN comprises Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam.

Reported by Sok Serey for RFA's Khmer service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.

Copyright © 1998-2011 Radio Free Asia. All rights reserved.

ទៀ បាញ់ៈ ការកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពកម្ពុជាគឺជាសមាជិកដ៏ល្អរបស់ UN

Wednesday, 18 July 2012 10:27 ដោយៈ ស៊ន សុភក្រ្ត-Posted: ID-009 

 

ព្រះវិហារៈ នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ ទៀ បាញ់ ឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី និងជារដ្ឋមន្រ្តីក្រសួងការពារជាតិ បានគូសបញ្ជាក់ ថា ការសម្រេចកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពរបស់កម្ពុជា នៅតំបន់គ្មានកងទ័ពបណ្តោះអាសន្ននេះ គឺកម្ពុជាបានបំពេញកា តព្វកិច្ចជាសមាជិកដ៏ល្អរបស់អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ ប្រៀបដូចជាសិស្សដ៏ល្អម្នាក់នៅក្នុងសាលា ដែលគោរព និង បំពេញករណីយកិច្ច ទៅតាមការបង្គាប់បញ្ជា របស់តុលាការយុតិ្តធម៌អន្តរជាតិទីក្រុងឡាអេ កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៨ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១១។

នៅចំពោះមុខកងទ័ពជិត៥០០នាក់ និងកម្លាំងនគរបាល ព្រមទាំងកម្លាំងអាជ្ញាធរជាតិព្រះវិហារ ដែលនឹងត្រូវមក ជំនួសឈរជើងនៅតំបន់គ្មានកងទ័ពបណ្តោះអាសន្ន នាព្រឹកថ្ងៃទី១៨ ខែកក្កដា ក្នុងទីបញ្ជាការសន្តិភាព៥មករា នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ ទៀ បាញ់ បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា ការកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពនៅថ្ងៃនេះ គឺផ្តើមចេញពីជំនួបពិ ភាក្សាទ្វេភាគី ដែលទទួលបានលទ្ធ ផលដ៏ល្អប្រសើររវាងមេដឹកនាំកម្ពុជា-ថៃ នៅសៀមរាប កាលពីថ្ងៃសុក្រ ទី១៣ ខែកក្កដា។

នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ ទៀ បាញ់ បានរំលឹក ហើយបញ្ជាក់យ៉ាងច្បាស់ថា ការឈ្លានពានរបស់ទាហានថៃ គឺផ្តើម ឡើង ដោយការគូសផែនទី ឯកតោភាគីរំលោភផែនទី ដែលសម្រេចដោយ តុលាការយុតិ្តធម៌អន្តរជាតិទីក្រុងឡាអេ កាលពីឆ្នាំ១៩៦២ ហើយការឈ្លានពានរបស់ទាហានថៃ កាលពីខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០០៨នោះ មិនមែនបណ្តាលមកពីការចុះប្រាសាទ ព្រះវិហារជាសម្បត្តិបេតិកភណ្ឌពិភពលោកឡើយ។

នាយឧត្តសេនីយ៍រូបនេះ បានបន្តថា កម្ពុជា ដែលបច្ចុប្បន្នរង់ចាំការបកស្រាយ សាលក្រមរបស់ តុលាការយុត្តិធម៌អន្តរជាតិទីក្រុងឡាអេ គឺមិនប៉ះពាល់នូវការសម្រេច របស់តុលាការមួយនេះ កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៥ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៦២ឡើយ ពោលវា គ្រាន់តែចង់បញ្ជាក់បន្ទាត់ព្រំដែនច្បាស់លាស់ នៃប្រទេសទាំងពីរ។

លោក ទៀ បាញ់ បានសង្កត់ធ្ងន់ទៀតថា ក្នុងជំនួបរវាងមេដឹកនាំទាំងពីរ កម្ពុជា-ថៃ កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៣ ខែកក្កដា ហើយបានឯកភាពគ្នាកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពនោះ គឺបង្ហាញ យ៉ាងច្បាស់ថា កម្ពុជាគោរពច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ និងការសម្រេច របស់តុលាការយុត្តិធម៌អន្តរជាតិទីក្រុងឡាអេ។

បើតាមលោក ទៀ បាញ់ កម្លាំងនគរបាលចំនួន ២៥០នាក់ កម្លាំងសណ្តាប់ធ្នាប់អាជ្ញាធរជាតិព្រះវិហារ ចំនួន ១០០នាក់ ដែលនឹងត្រូវទៅឈរជើងនៅតំបន់គ្មាន កងទ័ពជាបណ្តោះអាសន្ននោះ គឺមានកាតព្វកិច្ចទប់ស្កាត់បទ ល្មើសផ្សេងៗ ដូចជាការលួចវត្ថុបុរាណ ការកាប់ព្រៃឈើ និងការចាប់ដីខុសច្បាប់ជាដើម ហើយងាកមក ជួយថែ រក្សាប្រាង្គប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារ ដែលជាសម្បត្តិបេតិកភណ្ឌមនុស្សជាតិទាំងមូល។

លោក ទៀ បាញ់ បានរម្លឹកទៀតថា ការឈ្លានពានរបស់ថៃ តាមរយៈការគូសផែនទីឯកតោភាគី គឺបង្កឡើងដោយ អ្នកនយោបាយមួយក្រុម ដែលបានបង្កើតរឿងបង្ក ឲ្យមានការទាស់ទែងគ្នានៅក្នុងបញ្ហាប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារនេះ។

នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ នាង ផាត រដ្ឋលេខាធិការក្រសួងការពារជាតិ បានថ្លែងក្នុងអង្គពិធីថា ចំពោះចំណុចដែលត្រូវ កែសម្រួលកងទ័ពជំហានទី១ នៅជុំវិញតំបន់ប្រាសាទ ព្រះវិហារ ក្នុងតំបន់គ្មានកងទ័ពបណ្តោះអាសន្ន គឺផ្សារ ជណ្តើរនាគ ជណ្តើរបុរាណខាងកើត ជណ្តើរបុរាណខាងជើង និងវត្តកែវសិក្ខាគិរីស្វារៈ។

លោក នាង ផាត បានបន្តថា ការកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពជំហានទី១ ចំនួន ៤៨៥នាក់ គឺស្ថិតនៅក្នុងកងពលធំអន្តរា គមន៍លេខ៣ និងកងពលតូចអន្តរាគមន៍លេខ ៧ ដែល ការកែសម្រួលនេះ គឺត្រូវជំនួសឡើងវិញ ដោយកម្លាំង នគរបាលជាតិ ២៥៥នាក់ និងកងសន្តិសុខអភិរក្ស អាជ្ញាធរជាតិព្រះវិហារ១០០នាក់។

ក្រោយពេលឡើងថ្លែងសុន្ទរកថា នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ ទៀ បាញ់ ក៏បានចុះហត្ថលេខា បញ្ជាក់ពីការកែសម្រួលកង ទ័ពនេះ ហើយរូបលោក និងមន្ត្រីយោធាជាន់ខ្ពស់ ជាច្រើននាក់ទៀត បានជូនដំណើរកងទ័ព ដែលប្រដាប់ដោយ អាវុធ និងសាក់កាដូរ ឡើងរថយន្តចេញពីតំបន់គ្មានកងទ័ព ក្បែរប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារ។

ជាមួយនឹងការកែសម្រួល កងទ័ពរបស់កម្ពុជានេះ ខាងភាគីថៃនាព្រឹកថ្ងៃនេះ ក៏បានធ្វើពិធីកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពផងដែរ ចេញពីតំបន់ក្បែរប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារ ដោយដាក់ ជំនួសមកវិញ នូវកម្លាំងតម្រួតការពារ ប្រដាប់ដោយអាវុធមិនដល់១ពាន់នាក់នោះទេ។

រដ្ឋមន្រ្តីក្រសួងការពារជាតិថៃ បានថ្លែងថា ការកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពនេះ មិនធ្វើឲ្យប៉ះពាល់ដល់ប្រយោជន៍ ឬអធិបតេយ្យភាព របស់ប្រទេសថៃឡើយ៕

Editorial: Cambodia has put Asean's future in jeopardy

The Nation July 15, 2012 1:00 am

In an unprecedented and damaging move, the group's chair pursues self-interest ahead of regional solidarity

Thanks to its single-mindedness, Cambodia has literally brought Asean to its knees. In the organisation's 45-year history, its foreign ministers have never failed to issue a joint communique - however vague or noncommittal - after their deliberations. In the past there have been plenty of rough times and many disagreements - not least during the Cambodian conflict. But they have never ended like this.

This time around, Cambodia, as the Asean chair, has taken an uncompromising stand on the issue of the South China Sea. Instead of trying to find common ground among all concerned

parties, as the Asean chair has done in the past, the chair decided to put its national interest ahead of the grouping's solidarity. In the long run, it will backfire on Cambodia and Asean as a whole.

It could also hurt Cambodia's bid for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council next year. It will be interesting to see how the Philippines reacts. Sooner rather than later, Cambodia will realise that its action has jeopardised the grouping's credibility.

In the absence of a joint communique on the deliberations, action cannot be taken on dozens of decisions because there is no official record, and the Asean Secretariat will not be able to do anything about it. Asean will need to take immediate remedial action.

Since its period of enlargement from 1995-1999, more than officials would like to admit, Asean's ethos and way of doing things has changed tremendously due to new members' different political backgrounds and habits. Only Cambodia went through serious

difficulties in joining Asean due to its troubled history. Therefore, it was the last member to be admitted, in 1999. Asean had wanted all new members from the Asean-10 admitted by 1997. Since Cambodia joined, Asean has quickly developed new relations with China, once Phnom Penh's nemesis.

China was the key supporter of the Khmer Rouge, which fought the Phnom Penh government from 1979 until well after the United Nations intervened to stage elections in the country in 1993.

For the past 12 years, Cambodia and China have built up their bilateral ties and cemented cooperation and friendship as never before. As it has with the rest of Asean's members, China has developed a close relationship with Cambodia. But somehow, Cambodia-China relations have gone a bit further than the rest.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen knows China would be of great assistance in propelling the country's economic development and its standing in the region. As the longest-reigning leader in the region, Hun Sen wants to be recognised as a leader who has brought peace and prosperity to his country and also the region. After all, it was the Cambodian conflict that threatened the region's stability previously.

Since Cambodia took the chair of Asean, Asean-China relations have come under the world's microscope. The rows over the overlapping claims in the South China Sea, especially those involving China, the Philippines and Vietnam, have all reared their ugly heads at about the same time.

The Philippines has gone ballistic against China over the Scarborough Shoals - known as Huanyan Island in China - in the past several months. Manila has engaged its key ally, Washington, to increase its defence capacity.

Vietnam and China are also at each other's throats over their claims on the Spratly Islands. Each side has chosen different manoeuvring tactics. But like it or not, it has always been the Asean chair that can make or break any sensitive topic.

Asean's unity and solidarity is of the utmost importance for the grouping's survival and the preservation of its bargaining power. If each Asean member dwells on its own interest - as Cambodia has - then Asean has no future. The group's consensus and non-interference policies allow each member to pursue their own interests. But there is no Asean principle that allows the rotating chair to take things into its own hands without considering the voice of the majority.

A crucial test for Asean

July 18, 2012 1:00 am

Re: "Key players holding Asean hostage!", Opinion, July 16.

Kavi Chongkittavorn offers a very interesting analysis in in his informative article about the recent 45th Asean Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Phnom Penh. Indeed, in the past Asean spoke with one voice. From now on, all hell can break loose, to use the writer's exact terminology.

The article generates one fundamental question: what next?

From an academic perspective all future diplomatic efforts should be concentrated on giving tangibility to the legal commitments already binding all Asean and non-Asean countries mentioned in the article.

The Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia of February 24, 1976 specifically stipulates in Article 1 that its purpose is to promote perpetual peace, everlasting amity and cooperation among their peoples which would contribute to their strength, solidarity and closer relationship.

By Article 13 all its parties commit themselves that in case disputes among them should arise, they shall refrain from the threat or use of force and shall settle such disputes among themselves through friendly negotiations.

Kavi Chongkittavorn's article brings persuasive evidence of a sad reality: there is no solidarity among Asean members in our world characterised by global perplexities and vulnerabilities at the planetary level. In this context, a topical document comes to mind. It is the "Bangkok Declaration: Global Dialogue and Dynamic Engagement", adopted by consensus by the member states of the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), including all Asean and non-Asean countries. The Declaration says that solidarity and a strong sense of moral responsibility must be the guiding light of national and international policy. They are not only ethical imperatives but also prerequisites for a prosperous, peaceful and secure world based on true partnership.

Acting together in a spirit of authentic solidarity remains a crucial test which has to be passed both by all Asean countries and their partners and friends in the years to come.

Ioan Voicu

Bangkok

Key players holding Asean hostage!

Kavi Chongkittavorn July 16, 2012 1:00 am

After the Asean foreign minister failed to issue the joint communiqué last week, a frequently asked question has been: which countries are holding Asean hostage?

There are multiple choices, please pick one or more: a) The Asean claimants; b) The Asean non-claimants; c) The concurrent Asean Chair; d) The US; e) China; and f) all of the above. Here are explanations for each answer.

For the answer a), there are many reasons. Asean claimants are divided and lacked unity - the grouping's weakest point. Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei seldom hold meetings among themselves to discuss about their common strategies. Back in 1995 they used to back and watch out for each others. As the national stakes are getting higher, they are shrieking in their cooperation. However, when they deem fit, they would use Asean as a front to counter external pressure. This time around in Phnom Penh they went on their own different way protecting their turfs.

For the first time in the Asean's 45-year history, the joint communiqué was not release because there were too many details on the disputes in South China Sea. Deep down, the foreign ministers from claimant members all pushed for their own bottom lines. They were more resilient previously. The Philippines wanted their dispute in the Scarborough Shoal to be included in the final communiqué while Vietnam did not budge pushing for its own version of the recent China's alleged violations of its economic exclusive zone. Malaysia, one of the most critical voices of Asean claimants in the past regarding the South China Sea, has been missing in action this time. However, it insisted to add "another shoals" followed the Philippines' request. Brunei was quiet and waiting for its turn next year as the Asean chair.

Such divergent views provided an ideal opportunity for the Asean chair, Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong, to go for a kill and cut short the whole debate. He proposed to the claimants that all of the incidents raised by them should be referred collectively as "recent developments in the South China Sea." Take it or leave it. Bang, bang, nothing came out. It was very interesting why he was not in the mood to find a common ground - the virtue normally displayed by all previous Asean chairs. At the last minute, Philippine Foreign Minister Roberto de Rosario even softened his wordings with an offer of just mentioning "the affected shoal." Now the Asean leaders must be seriously pondering what would happen when the region's longest reigning leader, Prime Minister Hun Sen, chairs the November summit.

It was clear for those who opted for the answer b) that the non-claimant countries are equally problematic apart from the Asean chair. There are two kinds of non-claimants Asean countries - those who are concerned parties and those who are not. The concerned parties are Singapore, Indonesia and Thailand, and the rest are not. The trio wants to see progress but now they are now caught in a dilemma as their views and positions could impact on the future of Asean and the whole gamut of Asean-China relations. Singapore stressed from time to time that as concerned parties in the disputes both within the Asean and international context it must be engaged to ensure freedom and safety of the sea-lane of communications. So is Indonesia, which also wants Asean to show solidarity overe the dispute. Thailand's position is a bit tricky. It depends who is the "real" foreign minister - still very confusing. These core members backed the issuance of a separate statement on South China Sea at the ministerial meeting. But the idea was later squashed as the Asean chair said that both China and the Philippine held bilateral talks and the tension over the Scarborough Shoal or Huanyan calmed down. So, there was no need for such a statement. Thailand, which is a coordinating country for Asean-China relations for 2012-2015, was lobbied hard by both China and the US for support on their positions. There was even a suggestion that if there was such a statement on South China Sea, both China and the Philippines should be mentioned and deplored for heightening the tension in the South China Sea.

Explanation for the choice c) must be that the Asean chair this year at the Asean annual meeting is a veteran politician, Foreign minister Hor Namhong. He knows exactly when to pull the trigger. This time he managed to block the joint communiqué - it will be his legacy. His action upset several foreign ministers attending the meeting. The reporters widely quoted Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa's comment saying that he was "disappointed" with the outcome and some Asean members acted "irresponsibly." Of course, he did not mention Cambodia by name. It remains to be seen how this will affect the role of Indonesia as observers in the Thai-Cambodian dispute over the Preah Vihear/Khao Praviharn Temple. There has been very little progress on this initiative when Indonesia served as chair last year.

In the next two years, Brunei Darussalam and Myanmar will take up the Asean chair after Cambodia in 2013 and 2014 respectively. Truth be told, both countries supported Cambodia on the South China Sea issue. Although Brunei is one of the Asean claimants, the oil-rich country has never raised any voice or stated its position out right in this squabbling. But Brunei and Myanmar have distinctive positions that the overlapping claims should be settled among the claimants without useful forces and through dialogues. Such views augur well with China's long standing argument.

For the answer d), reasons are simple. Everybody knows the US has shown more support for Asean even though it is cutting its defense budget in the future. With troops dwindling down in Afghanistan, the US is shifting the attention to the Asia-Pacific, which could be the next battleground. The Pentagon plans to increase the troop level from the current 50 per cent to 60 per cent in the next 10 years. Where will be the extra ten per cent of American troops making their first home base or rather rotational base? With the US becoming more enthusiastic in association with the ongoing Asean efforts on security matters, some Asean members are feeling gung-ho while others are feeling uneasy as they know they could become prawns in the big power games. After all, Southeast Asia will remain in China's backyard.

Those picked e) for an answer must be non-Chinese. Throughout the Asean ministerial meeting, the Chinese media in China all blamed the Philippines for holding Asean hostage and wondered aloud why Asean allowed such a behavior. Interestingly, only few Chinese commentators mentioned Vietnam though. The South China Sea row comes at the time when China is promoting new diplomatic approach of peaceful rise and development. It will be further consolidated as a plan for regional harmony with the new leadership line up later this year. Therefore Beijing does not understand why Asean would allow the Philippines and Vietnam to turn things upside down in Asean-China relations. Beijing has already placed relations with developing countries in Southeast Asia as the number one foreign policy priority followed the South China Sea tension. China's ties with major powers especially the US, Russia and Europe are predictable and stable. However, now any tension between China and Asean could harm their major powers' relations.

Finally, the explanation for the last answer f) is rather self-fullfilling. All of the above mentioned players have effectively held Asean hostage one way or another as well. Many decisions were now stuck because there was no joint communiqué to officially state their deliberations. All player have used Asean as a play toy for their own benefits all the way, utilizing the rhetoric and tactics that Asean leaders are familiar too. The Asean chair knows full well his pejorative power to shape the agenda and content. He exercised it with prudence. Likewise, Asean claimants and non-claimants understand deep in their heart they would never be able to unite again with on common position on South China Sea as in March 1995. That was why the Philippines has taken all necessary steps to boost its own position, including increased defence cooperation with the US, much to the chagrins of other Asean members. The US and China will compete, confront and cooperation within the Asean frameworks. In the past, nobody was worried about such engagements because Asean spoke with one voice. From now on, all hell can break loose. Good luck Asean.

ទូតខ្មែរនៅបាងកក សុំឱ្យកាសែត ដឹណេសិន បំភ្លឺឆ្លើយតបបទវិចារណកថារបស់ខ្លួន

ខ្ញុំសូមធ្វើការ គូសបញ្ជាក់មួយចំនួន ទៅលើបទវិចារណកថា ដែលបានចេញផ្សាយ នៅក្នុង កាសែត The Nation របស់លោក កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៥ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១២ ក្រោមចំណងជើងថា “កម្ពុជាបានដាក់ អនាគត របស់អាស៊ាន ទៅក្នុងភាពអន្តរាយ ” ដូចខាងក្រោមនេះ៖

កិច្ចប្រជុំថ្នាក់រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីអាស៊ាន លើកទី ៤៥ (AMM) បានប្រារព្ធឡើង នៅទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ កាលពីថ្ងៃ ទី០៩ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១២ បានពិភាក្សាអំពី បញ្ហាសំខាន់ ជាពិសេសទាក់ទងនឹងភាពរីកចំរើន នៃការកសាង សហគមន៍អាស៊ាន។ មតិរួមដែលមានចំណុចគន្លឹះ ១៣០ចំណុច គឺមានចំណុច តែមួយប៉ុណ្ណោះ ក្នុងចំណោមចំណុចទាំងអស់ ដែលរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីការបរទេសអាស៊ានមិនអាចធ្វើការ សម្រេចសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍ រួមមួយបាន។ ប្រទេសហ្វីលីពីន និង វៀតណាមត្រូវបានគេមើល ឃើញ ថា បានចេញមុខ មករារាំង ការសម្រេចនេះ ដែលនេះជាតួនាទីដែលត្រូវធ្វើដើម្បីសម្តែង ការ គោរពចំពោះ ប្រទេសជាតិរបស់ខ្លួន។

ក្នុងនាមជាប្រធានអាស៊ាន ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាមានការសោកស្តាយខ្លាំងណាស់ដែលមិនអាច សម្រេចចេញនូវ សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍រួមនេះបាន ដោយសារតែ មានការទាមទារខ្លះបានធ្វើឡើង ដោយប្រទេសហ្វីលីពីន និង វៀតណាម ឲ្យបញ្ចូលបញ្ហានៃ Scarborough Shoal (កោះជម្លោះ) ប្រទេសវៀតណាមបានអះអាងទៅ លើតំបន់សេដ្ឋកិច្ចពិសេស (EEZ) ព្រមទាំងបញ្ហាផ្សេង ទៀតដែរ។ វាមិនអាចទទួលយកបានទេ សម្រាប់អាស៊ាន ដែលសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍របស់ខ្លួន បានក្លាយជាចំណាប់ខ្មាំង ដោយសារតែការអះអាង របស់ប្រទេសវៀតណាម និង ហ្វីលីពីន លើដែន សមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូងនោះ។

កម្ពុជា គឺមានទស្សនៈមួយថា កិច្ចប្រជុំថ្នាក់រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីអាស៊ាន មិនមែនជាតុលាការ ដែលអាចកាត់ ក្តីប្រឆាំង ឬទៅតាមការបង្គាប់ របស់នរណាម្នាក់ នោះទេ ហើយចំពោះការជាប់ទាក់ទងទៅនឹង ជម្លោះទ្វេភាគីរវាង ហ្វីលីពីន និង ចិន ហើយនិង វៀតណាម នឹងចិន នោះ។ តួនាទីតាម គោលការណ៍របស់កម្ពុជា គឺថា អាស៊ានមិនគួរចូលរួមនោះទេ។

ក្នុងនាមជាប្រធានអាស៊ាន កម្ពុជាសង្ឃឹមថា គ្រប់ភាគីទាំងអស់ខាងលើ នឹងមានឱកាសក្នុង ការស្វែងរកដំណោះស្រាយ សន្តិភាពមួយ សម្រាប់ជម្លោះ ក្នុងថ្ងៃអនាគត។

ក្នុងនាមជាប្រធានអាស៊ាន កម្ពុជាបានខិតខំប្រឹងប្រែងអស់ពីសមត្ថភាពរបស់ខ្លួន ដើម្បីជម្រុញ ឲ្យមាន ការចុះហត្ថលេខា លើសេចក្តីប្រកាស តាមការបង្គាប់របស់ភាគីទាំងអស់ដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធ នឹងដែនសមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូង (DOC) កាលពីឆ្នាំ២០០២។ ចំពោះ DOC នេះដែរ គឺជាការពិត មួយដែលផ្ទុកទៅដោយទិដ្ឋភាពផ្លូវច្បាប់ និង នយោបាយគ្រប់គ្រាន់ ដែលគ្រប់ភាគីទាំងអស់ អាចប្រតិបត្តិ ដើម្បីស្វែងរកដំណោះស្រាយសន្តិភាព ជុំវិញជម្លោះនៅសមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូងនេះ។

គួរកត់សម្គាល់ដែរថា សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍រួមក្នុងកិច្ចប្រជុំរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីការបរទេសអាស៊ានកាលពី លើកមុន គ្រាន់តែលើកឡើងពីបញ្ហាទូទៅ នៃសមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូងប៉ុណ្ណោះ ហើយក៏គ្មានបាន បញ្ជាក់អំពីតំបន់ជាក់លាក់ដូចជាកោះ នៅក្នុងដែនសមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូងនោះដែរ។ ដូច្នេះហើយ វាអាចកំណត់ថា សមាជិកមួយចំនួននៃអាស៊ាន រំលោភទៅលើឧសានវាទ ដែលជម្លោះទ្វេភាគី ត្រូវតែរួមបញ្ចូលទៅក្នុងសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍រួម ឬ ក៏មិនដូច្នោះទេវាត្រូវតែបដិសេធទាំងអស់គ្នា នោះ។

ខ្ញុំសូមស្នើសុំទៅលោក ឲ្យជួយចេញផ្សាយនូវលិខិតរបស់ខ្ញុំនេះយ៉ាងពេញលេញតែម្តង ក្នុង ពេលឆាប់បំផុតតាមដែលអាចធ្វើទៅរួច នៅលើទំព័រ កាសែតរបស់លោក សម្រាប់ផល ប្រយោជន៍ នៃអ្នកអានទាំងអស់គ្នា៕