ទៀ បាញ់ៈ ការកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពកម្ពុជាគឺជាសមាជិកដ៏ល្អរបស់ UN

Wednesday, 18 July 2012 10:27 ដោយៈ ស៊ន សុភក្រ្ត-Posted: ID-009 

 

ព្រះវិហារៈ នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ ទៀ បាញ់ ឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី និងជារដ្ឋមន្រ្តីក្រសួងការពារជាតិ បានគូសបញ្ជាក់ ថា ការសម្រេចកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពរបស់កម្ពុជា នៅតំបន់គ្មានកងទ័ពបណ្តោះអាសន្ននេះ គឺកម្ពុជាបានបំពេញកា តព្វកិច្ចជាសមាជិកដ៏ល្អរបស់អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ ប្រៀបដូចជាសិស្សដ៏ល្អម្នាក់នៅក្នុងសាលា ដែលគោរព និង បំពេញករណីយកិច្ច ទៅតាមការបង្គាប់បញ្ជា របស់តុលាការយុតិ្តធម៌អន្តរជាតិទីក្រុងឡាអេ កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៨ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១១។

នៅចំពោះមុខកងទ័ពជិត៥០០នាក់ និងកម្លាំងនគរបាល ព្រមទាំងកម្លាំងអាជ្ញាធរជាតិព្រះវិហារ ដែលនឹងត្រូវមក ជំនួសឈរជើងនៅតំបន់គ្មានកងទ័ពបណ្តោះអាសន្ន នាព្រឹកថ្ងៃទី១៨ ខែកក្កដា ក្នុងទីបញ្ជាការសន្តិភាព៥មករា នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ ទៀ បាញ់ បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា ការកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពនៅថ្ងៃនេះ គឺផ្តើមចេញពីជំនួបពិ ភាក្សាទ្វេភាគី ដែលទទួលបានលទ្ធ ផលដ៏ល្អប្រសើររវាងមេដឹកនាំកម្ពុជា-ថៃ នៅសៀមរាប កាលពីថ្ងៃសុក្រ ទី១៣ ខែកក្កដា។

នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ ទៀ បាញ់ បានរំលឹក ហើយបញ្ជាក់យ៉ាងច្បាស់ថា ការឈ្លានពានរបស់ទាហានថៃ គឺផ្តើម ឡើង ដោយការគូសផែនទី ឯកតោភាគីរំលោភផែនទី ដែលសម្រេចដោយ តុលាការយុតិ្តធម៌អន្តរជាតិទីក្រុងឡាអេ កាលពីឆ្នាំ១៩៦២ ហើយការឈ្លានពានរបស់ទាហានថៃ កាលពីខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០០៨នោះ មិនមែនបណ្តាលមកពីការចុះប្រាសាទ ព្រះវិហារជាសម្បត្តិបេតិកភណ្ឌពិភពលោកឡើយ។

នាយឧត្តសេនីយ៍រូបនេះ បានបន្តថា កម្ពុជា ដែលបច្ចុប្បន្នរង់ចាំការបកស្រាយ សាលក្រមរបស់ តុលាការយុត្តិធម៌អន្តរជាតិទីក្រុងឡាអេ គឺមិនប៉ះពាល់នូវការសម្រេច របស់តុលាការមួយនេះ កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៥ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៦២ឡើយ ពោលវា គ្រាន់តែចង់បញ្ជាក់បន្ទាត់ព្រំដែនច្បាស់លាស់ នៃប្រទេសទាំងពីរ។

លោក ទៀ បាញ់ បានសង្កត់ធ្ងន់ទៀតថា ក្នុងជំនួបរវាងមេដឹកនាំទាំងពីរ កម្ពុជា-ថៃ កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៣ ខែកក្កដា ហើយបានឯកភាពគ្នាកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពនោះ គឺបង្ហាញ យ៉ាងច្បាស់ថា កម្ពុជាគោរពច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិ និងការសម្រេច របស់តុលាការយុត្តិធម៌អន្តរជាតិទីក្រុងឡាអេ។

បើតាមលោក ទៀ បាញ់ កម្លាំងនគរបាលចំនួន ២៥០នាក់ កម្លាំងសណ្តាប់ធ្នាប់អាជ្ញាធរជាតិព្រះវិហារ ចំនួន ១០០នាក់ ដែលនឹងត្រូវទៅឈរជើងនៅតំបន់គ្មាន កងទ័ពជាបណ្តោះអាសន្ននោះ គឺមានកាតព្វកិច្ចទប់ស្កាត់បទ ល្មើសផ្សេងៗ ដូចជាការលួចវត្ថុបុរាណ ការកាប់ព្រៃឈើ និងការចាប់ដីខុសច្បាប់ជាដើម ហើយងាកមក ជួយថែ រក្សាប្រាង្គប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារ ដែលជាសម្បត្តិបេតិកភណ្ឌមនុស្សជាតិទាំងមូល។

លោក ទៀ បាញ់ បានរម្លឹកទៀតថា ការឈ្លានពានរបស់ថៃ តាមរយៈការគូសផែនទីឯកតោភាគី គឺបង្កឡើងដោយ អ្នកនយោបាយមួយក្រុម ដែលបានបង្កើតរឿងបង្ក ឲ្យមានការទាស់ទែងគ្នានៅក្នុងបញ្ហាប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារនេះ។

នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ នាង ផាត រដ្ឋលេខាធិការក្រសួងការពារជាតិ បានថ្លែងក្នុងអង្គពិធីថា ចំពោះចំណុចដែលត្រូវ កែសម្រួលកងទ័ពជំហានទី១ នៅជុំវិញតំបន់ប្រាសាទ ព្រះវិហារ ក្នុងតំបន់គ្មានកងទ័ពបណ្តោះអាសន្ន គឺផ្សារ ជណ្តើរនាគ ជណ្តើរបុរាណខាងកើត ជណ្តើរបុរាណខាងជើង និងវត្តកែវសិក្ខាគិរីស្វារៈ។

លោក នាង ផាត បានបន្តថា ការកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពជំហានទី១ ចំនួន ៤៨៥នាក់ គឺស្ថិតនៅក្នុងកងពលធំអន្តរា គមន៍លេខ៣ និងកងពលតូចអន្តរាគមន៍លេខ ៧ ដែល ការកែសម្រួលនេះ គឺត្រូវជំនួសឡើងវិញ ដោយកម្លាំង នគរបាលជាតិ ២៥៥នាក់ និងកងសន្តិសុខអភិរក្ស អាជ្ញាធរជាតិព្រះវិហារ១០០នាក់។

ក្រោយពេលឡើងថ្លែងសុន្ទរកថា នាយឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ ទៀ បាញ់ ក៏បានចុះហត្ថលេខា បញ្ជាក់ពីការកែសម្រួលកង ទ័ពនេះ ហើយរូបលោក និងមន្ត្រីយោធាជាន់ខ្ពស់ ជាច្រើននាក់ទៀត បានជូនដំណើរកងទ័ព ដែលប្រដាប់ដោយ អាវុធ និងសាក់កាដូរ ឡើងរថយន្តចេញពីតំបន់គ្មានកងទ័ព ក្បែរប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារ។

ជាមួយនឹងការកែសម្រួល កងទ័ពរបស់កម្ពុជានេះ ខាងភាគីថៃនាព្រឹកថ្ងៃនេះ ក៏បានធ្វើពិធីកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពផងដែរ ចេញពីតំបន់ក្បែរប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារ ដោយដាក់ ជំនួសមកវិញ នូវកម្លាំងតម្រួតការពារ ប្រដាប់ដោយអាវុធមិនដល់១ពាន់នាក់នោះទេ។

រដ្ឋមន្រ្តីក្រសួងការពារជាតិថៃ បានថ្លែងថា ការកែសម្រួលកងទ័ពនេះ មិនធ្វើឲ្យប៉ះពាល់ដល់ប្រយោជន៍ ឬអធិបតេយ្យភាព របស់ប្រទេសថៃឡើយ៕

Editorial: Cambodia has put Asean's future in jeopardy

The Nation July 15, 2012 1:00 am

In an unprecedented and damaging move, the group's chair pursues self-interest ahead of regional solidarity

Thanks to its single-mindedness, Cambodia has literally brought Asean to its knees. In the organisation's 45-year history, its foreign ministers have never failed to issue a joint communique - however vague or noncommittal - after their deliberations. In the past there have been plenty of rough times and many disagreements - not least during the Cambodian conflict. But they have never ended like this.

This time around, Cambodia, as the Asean chair, has taken an uncompromising stand on the issue of the South China Sea. Instead of trying to find common ground among all concerned

parties, as the Asean chair has done in the past, the chair decided to put its national interest ahead of the grouping's solidarity. In the long run, it will backfire on Cambodia and Asean as a whole.

It could also hurt Cambodia's bid for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council next year. It will be interesting to see how the Philippines reacts. Sooner rather than later, Cambodia will realise that its action has jeopardised the grouping's credibility.

In the absence of a joint communique on the deliberations, action cannot be taken on dozens of decisions because there is no official record, and the Asean Secretariat will not be able to do anything about it. Asean will need to take immediate remedial action.

Since its period of enlargement from 1995-1999, more than officials would like to admit, Asean's ethos and way of doing things has changed tremendously due to new members' different political backgrounds and habits. Only Cambodia went through serious

difficulties in joining Asean due to its troubled history. Therefore, it was the last member to be admitted, in 1999. Asean had wanted all new members from the Asean-10 admitted by 1997. Since Cambodia joined, Asean has quickly developed new relations with China, once Phnom Penh's nemesis.

China was the key supporter of the Khmer Rouge, which fought the Phnom Penh government from 1979 until well after the United Nations intervened to stage elections in the country in 1993.

For the past 12 years, Cambodia and China have built up their bilateral ties and cemented cooperation and friendship as never before. As it has with the rest of Asean's members, China has developed a close relationship with Cambodia. But somehow, Cambodia-China relations have gone a bit further than the rest.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen knows China would be of great assistance in propelling the country's economic development and its standing in the region. As the longest-reigning leader in the region, Hun Sen wants to be recognised as a leader who has brought peace and prosperity to his country and also the region. After all, it was the Cambodian conflict that threatened the region's stability previously.

Since Cambodia took the chair of Asean, Asean-China relations have come under the world's microscope. The rows over the overlapping claims in the South China Sea, especially those involving China, the Philippines and Vietnam, have all reared their ugly heads at about the same time.

The Philippines has gone ballistic against China over the Scarborough Shoals - known as Huanyan Island in China - in the past several months. Manila has engaged its key ally, Washington, to increase its defence capacity.

Vietnam and China are also at each other's throats over their claims on the Spratly Islands. Each side has chosen different manoeuvring tactics. But like it or not, it has always been the Asean chair that can make or break any sensitive topic.

Asean's unity and solidarity is of the utmost importance for the grouping's survival and the preservation of its bargaining power. If each Asean member dwells on its own interest - as Cambodia has - then Asean has no future. The group's consensus and non-interference policies allow each member to pursue their own interests. But there is no Asean principle that allows the rotating chair to take things into its own hands without considering the voice of the majority.

A crucial test for Asean

July 18, 2012 1:00 am

Re: "Key players holding Asean hostage!", Opinion, July 16.

Kavi Chongkittavorn offers a very interesting analysis in in his informative article about the recent 45th Asean Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Phnom Penh. Indeed, in the past Asean spoke with one voice. From now on, all hell can break loose, to use the writer's exact terminology.

The article generates one fundamental question: what next?

From an academic perspective all future diplomatic efforts should be concentrated on giving tangibility to the legal commitments already binding all Asean and non-Asean countries mentioned in the article.

The Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia of February 24, 1976 specifically stipulates in Article 1 that its purpose is to promote perpetual peace, everlasting amity and cooperation among their peoples which would contribute to their strength, solidarity and closer relationship.

By Article 13 all its parties commit themselves that in case disputes among them should arise, they shall refrain from the threat or use of force and shall settle such disputes among themselves through friendly negotiations.

Kavi Chongkittavorn's article brings persuasive evidence of a sad reality: there is no solidarity among Asean members in our world characterised by global perplexities and vulnerabilities at the planetary level. In this context, a topical document comes to mind. It is the "Bangkok Declaration: Global Dialogue and Dynamic Engagement", adopted by consensus by the member states of the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), including all Asean and non-Asean countries. The Declaration says that solidarity and a strong sense of moral responsibility must be the guiding light of national and international policy. They are not only ethical imperatives but also prerequisites for a prosperous, peaceful and secure world based on true partnership.

Acting together in a spirit of authentic solidarity remains a crucial test which has to be passed both by all Asean countries and their partners and friends in the years to come.

Ioan Voicu

Bangkok

Key players holding Asean hostage!

Kavi Chongkittavorn July 16, 2012 1:00 am

After the Asean foreign minister failed to issue the joint communiqué last week, a frequently asked question has been: which countries are holding Asean hostage?

There are multiple choices, please pick one or more: a) The Asean claimants; b) The Asean non-claimants; c) The concurrent Asean Chair; d) The US; e) China; and f) all of the above. Here are explanations for each answer.

For the answer a), there are many reasons. Asean claimants are divided and lacked unity - the grouping's weakest point. Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei seldom hold meetings among themselves to discuss about their common strategies. Back in 1995 they used to back and watch out for each others. As the national stakes are getting higher, they are shrieking in their cooperation. However, when they deem fit, they would use Asean as a front to counter external pressure. This time around in Phnom Penh they went on their own different way protecting their turfs.

For the first time in the Asean's 45-year history, the joint communiqué was not release because there were too many details on the disputes in South China Sea. Deep down, the foreign ministers from claimant members all pushed for their own bottom lines. They were more resilient previously. The Philippines wanted their dispute in the Scarborough Shoal to be included in the final communiqué while Vietnam did not budge pushing for its own version of the recent China's alleged violations of its economic exclusive zone. Malaysia, one of the most critical voices of Asean claimants in the past regarding the South China Sea, has been missing in action this time. However, it insisted to add "another shoals" followed the Philippines' request. Brunei was quiet and waiting for its turn next year as the Asean chair.

Such divergent views provided an ideal opportunity for the Asean chair, Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong, to go for a kill and cut short the whole debate. He proposed to the claimants that all of the incidents raised by them should be referred collectively as "recent developments in the South China Sea." Take it or leave it. Bang, bang, nothing came out. It was very interesting why he was not in the mood to find a common ground - the virtue normally displayed by all previous Asean chairs. At the last minute, Philippine Foreign Minister Roberto de Rosario even softened his wordings with an offer of just mentioning "the affected shoal." Now the Asean leaders must be seriously pondering what would happen when the region's longest reigning leader, Prime Minister Hun Sen, chairs the November summit.

It was clear for those who opted for the answer b) that the non-claimant countries are equally problematic apart from the Asean chair. There are two kinds of non-claimants Asean countries - those who are concerned parties and those who are not. The concerned parties are Singapore, Indonesia and Thailand, and the rest are not. The trio wants to see progress but now they are now caught in a dilemma as their views and positions could impact on the future of Asean and the whole gamut of Asean-China relations. Singapore stressed from time to time that as concerned parties in the disputes both within the Asean and international context it must be engaged to ensure freedom and safety of the sea-lane of communications. So is Indonesia, which also wants Asean to show solidarity overe the dispute. Thailand's position is a bit tricky. It depends who is the "real" foreign minister - still very confusing. These core members backed the issuance of a separate statement on South China Sea at the ministerial meeting. But the idea was later squashed as the Asean chair said that both China and the Philippine held bilateral talks and the tension over the Scarborough Shoal or Huanyan calmed down. So, there was no need for such a statement. Thailand, which is a coordinating country for Asean-China relations for 2012-2015, was lobbied hard by both China and the US for support on their positions. There was even a suggestion that if there was such a statement on South China Sea, both China and the Philippines should be mentioned and deplored for heightening the tension in the South China Sea.

Explanation for the choice c) must be that the Asean chair this year at the Asean annual meeting is a veteran politician, Foreign minister Hor Namhong. He knows exactly when to pull the trigger. This time he managed to block the joint communiqué - it will be his legacy. His action upset several foreign ministers attending the meeting. The reporters widely quoted Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa's comment saying that he was "disappointed" with the outcome and some Asean members acted "irresponsibly." Of course, he did not mention Cambodia by name. It remains to be seen how this will affect the role of Indonesia as observers in the Thai-Cambodian dispute over the Preah Vihear/Khao Praviharn Temple. There has been very little progress on this initiative when Indonesia served as chair last year.

In the next two years, Brunei Darussalam and Myanmar will take up the Asean chair after Cambodia in 2013 and 2014 respectively. Truth be told, both countries supported Cambodia on the South China Sea issue. Although Brunei is one of the Asean claimants, the oil-rich country has never raised any voice or stated its position out right in this squabbling. But Brunei and Myanmar have distinctive positions that the overlapping claims should be settled among the claimants without useful forces and through dialogues. Such views augur well with China's long standing argument.

For the answer d), reasons are simple. Everybody knows the US has shown more support for Asean even though it is cutting its defense budget in the future. With troops dwindling down in Afghanistan, the US is shifting the attention to the Asia-Pacific, which could be the next battleground. The Pentagon plans to increase the troop level from the current 50 per cent to 60 per cent in the next 10 years. Where will be the extra ten per cent of American troops making their first home base or rather rotational base? With the US becoming more enthusiastic in association with the ongoing Asean efforts on security matters, some Asean members are feeling gung-ho while others are feeling uneasy as they know they could become prawns in the big power games. After all, Southeast Asia will remain in China's backyard.

Those picked e) for an answer must be non-Chinese. Throughout the Asean ministerial meeting, the Chinese media in China all blamed the Philippines for holding Asean hostage and wondered aloud why Asean allowed such a behavior. Interestingly, only few Chinese commentators mentioned Vietnam though. The South China Sea row comes at the time when China is promoting new diplomatic approach of peaceful rise and development. It will be further consolidated as a plan for regional harmony with the new leadership line up later this year. Therefore Beijing does not understand why Asean would allow the Philippines and Vietnam to turn things upside down in Asean-China relations. Beijing has already placed relations with developing countries in Southeast Asia as the number one foreign policy priority followed the South China Sea tension. China's ties with major powers especially the US, Russia and Europe are predictable and stable. However, now any tension between China and Asean could harm their major powers' relations.

Finally, the explanation for the last answer f) is rather self-fullfilling. All of the above mentioned players have effectively held Asean hostage one way or another as well. Many decisions were now stuck because there was no joint communiqué to officially state their deliberations. All player have used Asean as a play toy for their own benefits all the way, utilizing the rhetoric and tactics that Asean leaders are familiar too. The Asean chair knows full well his pejorative power to shape the agenda and content. He exercised it with prudence. Likewise, Asean claimants and non-claimants understand deep in their heart they would never be able to unite again with on common position on South China Sea as in March 1995. That was why the Philippines has taken all necessary steps to boost its own position, including increased defence cooperation with the US, much to the chagrins of other Asean members. The US and China will compete, confront and cooperation within the Asean frameworks. In the past, nobody was worried about such engagements because Asean spoke with one voice. From now on, all hell can break loose. Good luck Asean.

ទូតខ្មែរនៅបាងកក សុំឱ្យកាសែត ដឹណេសិន បំភ្លឺឆ្លើយតបបទវិចារណកថារបស់ខ្លួន

ខ្ញុំសូមធ្វើការ គូសបញ្ជាក់មួយចំនួន ទៅលើបទវិចារណកថា ដែលបានចេញផ្សាយ នៅក្នុង កាសែត The Nation របស់លោក កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៥ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១២ ក្រោមចំណងជើងថា “កម្ពុជាបានដាក់ អនាគត របស់អាស៊ាន ទៅក្នុងភាពអន្តរាយ ” ដូចខាងក្រោមនេះ៖

កិច្ចប្រជុំថ្នាក់រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីអាស៊ាន លើកទី ៤៥ (AMM) បានប្រារព្ធឡើង នៅទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ កាលពីថ្ងៃ ទី០៩ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១២ បានពិភាក្សាអំពី បញ្ហាសំខាន់ ជាពិសេសទាក់ទងនឹងភាពរីកចំរើន នៃការកសាង សហគមន៍អាស៊ាន។ មតិរួមដែលមានចំណុចគន្លឹះ ១៣០ចំណុច គឺមានចំណុច តែមួយប៉ុណ្ណោះ ក្នុងចំណោមចំណុចទាំងអស់ ដែលរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីការបរទេសអាស៊ានមិនអាចធ្វើការ សម្រេចសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍ រួមមួយបាន។ ប្រទេសហ្វីលីពីន និង វៀតណាមត្រូវបានគេមើល ឃើញ ថា បានចេញមុខ មករារាំង ការសម្រេចនេះ ដែលនេះជាតួនាទីដែលត្រូវធ្វើដើម្បីសម្តែង ការ គោរពចំពោះ ប្រទេសជាតិរបស់ខ្លួន។

ក្នុងនាមជាប្រធានអាស៊ាន ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាមានការសោកស្តាយខ្លាំងណាស់ដែលមិនអាច សម្រេចចេញនូវ សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍រួមនេះបាន ដោយសារតែ មានការទាមទារខ្លះបានធ្វើឡើង ដោយប្រទេសហ្វីលីពីន និង វៀតណាម ឲ្យបញ្ចូលបញ្ហានៃ Scarborough Shoal (កោះជម្លោះ) ប្រទេសវៀតណាមបានអះអាងទៅ លើតំបន់សេដ្ឋកិច្ចពិសេស (EEZ) ព្រមទាំងបញ្ហាផ្សេង ទៀតដែរ។ វាមិនអាចទទួលយកបានទេ សម្រាប់អាស៊ាន ដែលសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍របស់ខ្លួន បានក្លាយជាចំណាប់ខ្មាំង ដោយសារតែការអះអាង របស់ប្រទេសវៀតណាម និង ហ្វីលីពីន លើដែន សមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូងនោះ។

កម្ពុជា គឺមានទស្សនៈមួយថា កិច្ចប្រជុំថ្នាក់រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីអាស៊ាន មិនមែនជាតុលាការ ដែលអាចកាត់ ក្តីប្រឆាំង ឬទៅតាមការបង្គាប់ របស់នរណាម្នាក់ នោះទេ ហើយចំពោះការជាប់ទាក់ទងទៅនឹង ជម្លោះទ្វេភាគីរវាង ហ្វីលីពីន និង ចិន ហើយនិង វៀតណាម នឹងចិន នោះ។ តួនាទីតាម គោលការណ៍របស់កម្ពុជា គឺថា អាស៊ានមិនគួរចូលរួមនោះទេ។

ក្នុងនាមជាប្រធានអាស៊ាន កម្ពុជាសង្ឃឹមថា គ្រប់ភាគីទាំងអស់ខាងលើ នឹងមានឱកាសក្នុង ការស្វែងរកដំណោះស្រាយ សន្តិភាពមួយ សម្រាប់ជម្លោះ ក្នុងថ្ងៃអនាគត។

ក្នុងនាមជាប្រធានអាស៊ាន កម្ពុជាបានខិតខំប្រឹងប្រែងអស់ពីសមត្ថភាពរបស់ខ្លួន ដើម្បីជម្រុញ ឲ្យមាន ការចុះហត្ថលេខា លើសេចក្តីប្រកាស តាមការបង្គាប់របស់ភាគីទាំងអស់ដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធ នឹងដែនសមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូង (DOC) កាលពីឆ្នាំ២០០២។ ចំពោះ DOC នេះដែរ គឺជាការពិត មួយដែលផ្ទុកទៅដោយទិដ្ឋភាពផ្លូវច្បាប់ និង នយោបាយគ្រប់គ្រាន់ ដែលគ្រប់ភាគីទាំងអស់ អាចប្រតិបត្តិ ដើម្បីស្វែងរកដំណោះស្រាយសន្តិភាព ជុំវិញជម្លោះនៅសមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូងនេះ។

គួរកត់សម្គាល់ដែរថា សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍រួមក្នុងកិច្ចប្រជុំរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីការបរទេសអាស៊ានកាលពី លើកមុន គ្រាន់តែលើកឡើងពីបញ្ហាទូទៅ នៃសមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូងប៉ុណ្ណោះ ហើយក៏គ្មានបាន បញ្ជាក់អំពីតំបន់ជាក់លាក់ដូចជាកោះ នៅក្នុងដែនសមុទ្រចិនខាងត្បូងនោះដែរ។ ដូច្នេះហើយ វាអាចកំណត់ថា សមាជិកមួយចំនួននៃអាស៊ាន រំលោភទៅលើឧសានវាទ ដែលជម្លោះទ្វេភាគី ត្រូវតែរួមបញ្ចូលទៅក្នុងសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍រួម ឬ ក៏មិនដូច្នោះទេវាត្រូវតែបដិសេធទាំងអស់គ្នា នោះ។

ខ្ញុំសូមស្នើសុំទៅលោក ឲ្យជួយចេញផ្សាយនូវលិខិតរបស់ខ្ញុំនេះយ៉ាងពេញលេញតែម្តង ក្នុង ពេលឆាប់បំផុតតាមដែលអាចធ្វើទៅរួច នៅលើទំព័រ កាសែតរបស់លោក សម្រាប់ផល ប្រយោជន៍ នៃអ្នកអានទាំងអស់គ្នា៕

ទស្សនាព័ត៌មានរូបភាព ស្តីពីការកែសម្រួល​កងទ័ព

Wednesday, 18 July 2012 14:12 Posted: ID:013

សម្តេច ហេង សំរិន នឹងទៅទស្សនកិច្ចជាផ្លូវការនៅវៀតណាម និងឡាវនៅចុង​ ខែកក្កដានេះ

Wednesday, 18 July 2012 15:32 ដោយៈ សេង ផល្លាភ-Posted : ID-014 

ភ្នំពេញ៖ គណៈប្រតិភូជាន់ខ្ពស់ រដ្ឋសភាកម្ពុជា ដឹកនាំដោយ សម្តេច ហេង សំរិន ប្រធានរដ្ឋសភា នឹងអញ្ជើញទៅទស្សនកិច្ចជាផ្លូវការ និងជាមិត្តភាពនៅ វៀតណាម ចាប់ពីថ្ងៃទី២០ ដល់ថ្ងៃទី២៥ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១២ រួចនឹងបន្តដំណើរទៅ ឡាវ នៅថ្ងៃទី២៥ ដល់ថ្ងៃទី៣០ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១២។
យោងតាម សេចក្តីប្រកាសព័ត៌មាន របស់អគ្គលេខាធិការដ្ឋានរដ្ឋសភា ដែលមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលព័ត៌មាន ដើមអម្ពិល ទទួលបាននៅថ្ងៃទី១៨ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១២នេះ បានឲ្យដឹងថាការអញ្ជើញទៅទស្សន កិច្ចជាផ្លូវការ និងជាមិត្តភាពនៅប្រទេសទាំងពីរនេះ ក្នុងគោលបំណងពង្រឹងពង្រីក ចំណងមិត្តភាព សាមគ្គីភាព និងកិច្ច សហប្រតិបត្តិការ ជាប្រពៃណី ដែលមានជាយូរយារមកហើយ រវាងប្រទេស ទាំងពីរ កម្ពុជា-សាធារណរដ្ឋ សង្គមនិយមវៀតណាម និងកម្ពុជា -សាធារណរដ្ឋ ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ប្រជាមានិតឡាវ។

សេចក្តីប្រកាសបន្តថា នៅក្នុងដំណើរទស្សនកិច្ចនេះ គណៈប្រតិភូជាន់ខ្ពស់ នឹងអញ្ជើញចូលជួប សវនាការ និងសម្តែងការគួរសម ជាមួយថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំជាន់ខ្ពស់ របស់ រដ្ឋាភិបាល និងរដ្ឋសភានៃ ប្រទេសទាំងពីរ និងមានកម្មវិធីទស្សនា ទីកន្លែងប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តមួយចំនួនទៀតនៃប្រទេសនីមួយៗ ទៀតផងដែរ៕

STATEMENT: Mam Sonando Must Be Released and the Rights of All Journalists and Human Rights Defenders Upheld

 http://adhoc-cambodia.org/?p=1818

Phnom Penh, 16 July 2012 — The Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC) is deeply concerned about the arrest of Beehive radio owner Mam Sonando yesterday at his Phnom Penh home. According to the information received, Mr. Mam faces charges of insurrection and incitement, offenses punishable by up to 20 years in prison (Penal Code, articles 28, 456, 457, 464, 504 and 609). His arrest follows a speech by Prime Minister Hun Sen in which he alleged that Mr. Mam was directly responsible for a secession attempt in Kratie province’s Chhlong district. ADHOC is afraid these charges may be an excuse for silencing a prominent journalist and advocate of democratic rights, and calls on the authorities to immediately release him.

On 15 July, at about 8:00am, the police surrounded Mr. Mam’s house and radio station and read out an arrest warrant issued by Kratie Provincial Court. At 8:56am, he was taken away to the Ministry of Interior. Conveniently, the arrest of Mam Sonando was carried out two days after the end of an ASEAN meeting in Phnom Penh, and three days after his return to Cambodia. One can only be surprised at such timing, since secession is one of the most serious offenses in Cambodian criminal law. Nobody has been in contact with Mr. Mam since his arrest. He has been transferred to Phnom Penh Municipal Court today.

Mam Sonando has repeatedly denied any involvement with a land dispute in Chhlong district’s Broma village and with Bun Ratha, who claimed to act on behalf of Mr. Mam’s Democratic Association in the area. In May 2012, 14-year old Heng Chentha was killed by armed forces during a clash with villagers. No investigation has been conducted into the girl’s death. Bun Ratha has since been at large. The authorities allege he attempted to create a “self-governing” zone within Cambodia’s territory, but have failed to provide evidence of any parallel military or administrative structures being put in place in Chhlong district.

In any case, acts committed by Bun Ratha—whatever their legal qualification—are not attributable to the Democratic Association or Mam Sonando, who have always acted within Cambodia’s legal framework and denied involvement with Bun Ratha.

The Democratic Association, headed by Mr. Mam, is registered with the Ministry of Interior. It aims to defend fundamental rights and freedoms, raise awareness and encourage citizens to use their legally protected rights. Beehive radio station, which broadcasts Radio Free Asia and Voice of America programs, voices the concerns of the poor by tackling social issues such as land grabbing by the powerful. ADHOC fears legal proceedings against Mr. Mam’s may be used to close down Beehive, one of the last media outlets that are not in line with the government’s positions.

Yesterday’s arrest also represents a threat to Human Rights Defenders and to freedom of expression and freedom of the media. It is a clear message sent to those who stand up for democratic rights and criticize the government’s policies, in particular land policies. In a shrinking democratic space, it illustrates what United Nations Special Rapporteur Surya Subedi has referred to as “rule by law,” rather than rule of law—i.e., the use of courts to target individuals regarded as opponents.

ADHOC therefore calls on the authorities to immediately release Mam Sonando and to uphold his and other journalists’ and Human Rights Defenders’ right to free expression.

For more information, please contact:

Mr. Ny Chakrya, Head of Monitoring Section at ADHOC: 011 274 959

Mr. Chan Soveth, Deputy Head: 016 667 373

Mr. Nicolas Agostini, Technical Assistant: 078 405 024

Cambodia will not export rice to Philippines

Wednesday, 18 July 2012
May Kunmakara

After the Philippines government issued their own policy regarding milled rice exports the Ministry of Commerce of Cambodia has expressed its disinterest in exporting milled rice to its neighbour, Cambodia’s Commerce Minister said yesterday.

Local rice millers will not be encouraged to make any efforts to export milled rice to the Philippines, said Cham Prasidh, the Minister of Commerce for Cambodia.

“We have no interest in the Philippines market any more as their government has issued a new policy that by 2013 the country should be able meet its own supply requirements for milled rice and may even export some starting next year. We do not need to rely on the Philippines — there are other markets”, he said during a meeting at the National Assembly yesterday.

At the same time, Cham Prasidh urged members of the Federation of Cambodian Associations of Rice Exporters to look other markets in the region.

“Now, we will look at Indonesia even though they are producing a lot of milled rice. There could still be a shortage. I plan on signing a memorandum of understanding with the Indonesian trade minister next month during the ASEAN Economic Ministers’ meeting.”

The deal will be for 100,000 tonnes of milled rice, according to Chairman of the Federation of Cambodian Associations of Rice Exporters Kim Savuth, who agreed with Cham Psaidh’s claims and said the Philippines market is a bit difficult for private rice milling companies to work in.

“Of course, I think it is good idea because we should not waste time and we won’t have to now that their government has announced that they can produce enough milled rice to meet their own demand by 2013,” he said.

He said he had conducted an export feasibility study on the market since 2000 and that Cambodia was close to exporting milled rice to the Philippines though for it to happen a bilateral agreement needed to be made between the two governments.

“We were very close to exporting to the Philippines over the last few years but after we saw the conditions for payment, which were quite late, we decided to look for other markets to enter,” he said.

Kim Savuth said that Indonesia, Malaysia and China, among others in the region, have a lot of potential with Cambodia’s white rice, while the European and Russian markets are still good places for fragrant rice exports.

Cambodia’s total exports of milled rice dropped about 35 per cent for the first half of 2012 to 78,000 tonnes compared to 120,000 tonnes for the same period in 2011– a decrease of 40,000 tonnes, according to data from the Ministry of Agriculture supplied yesterday.

Gang rape in Cambodia an increasing trend

Wednesday, 18 July 2012

Mom Kunthear and Bridget Di Certo

 

 Prostitutes wait for customers at a karaoke parlour in a Phnom Penh red-light district in 2009. Photograph: Sovan Philong/Phnom Penh Post

 

"At the end, she was in so much pain, I was afraid she had died,” a Cambodian sex buyer recounted to the Cambodian Women’s Crisis Centre and US-based Prostitution Research & Education in reference to a gang rape in which he had participated.

Gang rape is an increasingly normalised human rights violation in Cambodia, research presented by the CWCC and PR&E yesterday highlighted as part of their campaign to discourage men’s demand for prostitution.

“Sex buyers have negative attitudes toward all women, not only women in prostitution,” PR&E’s Melissa Farley said at yesterday’s presentation.

“We are here to shine a light on these men who buy sex and cause such great harms to women,” Farley said, emphasising that too often the perpetrators of violence against women in prostitution were “invisible”.

Nearly 40 per cent of Cambodian sex buyers interviewed for the research blamed the prevalence of Western pornography in Cambodia for a fascination with gang rape.

“The sex buyers we interviewed described gang rape as an opportunity to relax with their friends,” the three-year research presented by the two groups reads.

For about 83 per cent of men, they were with friends when they first bought sex, and for about 80 per cent of men, sex with a prostitute was their first sexual encounter.

Pok Panhavichetr, executive director of CWCC, said that even though the government and relevant organisations work hard to prevent and reduce sex trafficking by creating laws, it remains a hot issue in Cambodia as a developing country.

“Generally, we always focus on protecting and reducing the number of girls and women embroiled in sex trafficking, but we seem to work less with the men who use the sex service,” Panhavichetr pointed out.

“I say this not to mean we should punish or put the mistake on the men, but this is a natural factor that we all have to do something to reduce sex trafficking,” she added.

Chou Bun Eng, secretary of state at the Ministry of Interior, said that the government today does not want to criminalise the perpetrators or victims.

“They [criminalised perpetrators and victims] have to waste time in prison or run away while they could be working for their family or doing something for developing their country,” she said.

However, the research found that for Cambodian men, the most effective deterrents to buying sex included greater criminal penalties or having their names and/or photographs publicised.

Parties to form Cambodia Democratic Movement of National Rescue

Tuesday, 17 July 2012

Vong Sokheng and Bridget Di Certo

 

Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha appear on screen during a press conference in Manila today. Photograph: Hong Menea/Phnom Penh Post

 

Cambodia's two largest opposition parties – the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party – yesterday announced plans to merge into a single entity: the Cambodia Democratic Movement of National Rescue.

“In the near future, there will be one new main opposition political party as the result of a merger between the SRP and HRP,” HRP leader Kem Sokha said in a video conference with SRP chief Sam Rainsy, who echoed those thoughts just moments later.

Speaking from Manila, where their parties had just concluded a two-day meeting at SRP headquarters there, the two politicos said they intended to run candidates under the National Rescue banner in the 2013 national elections, though they were hesitant to offer a precise launch date for the new party.

Rainsy will serve as president of the National Rescue party and Sokha will be vice president; however, finer details of the party’s structure and composition have yet to be finalised.

In a joint statement yesterday, Rainsy and Sokha “absolutely insisted” on a change in the composition of the National Election Committee and an “overhaul of the current complicated election procedures that make voting unnecessarily difficult”.

Rainsy said change would be swift and that if reform of the NEC was timely, he would return to Cambodia from his self-imposed exile in France in time for the 2013 elections.

“Our nation is drowning in disaster. The country is under the dictatorship of a leader who serves only the interests of foreign invaders,” Rainsy said during the press conference.

“We are proud that we have reached an agreement to serve the desire of Cambodian people who want to see one strong opposition party in order to rescue our nation from suffering,” Sokha added.

However, the National Rescue party is likely to face an uphill battle, commentators said yesterday.Election monitoring group Comfrel’s president, Koul Panha, said Rainsy and Sokha would have to be strategic about when and how they registered their new party so as not to lose seats already held by the SRP and HRP at the commune and national levels.

“If you merge as one party, it means the other party will lose all its seats,” Panha explained. “This is why they have to create three parties. Maybe they need to wait until 2017 [the next commune council election year] to dissolve the SRP and HRP, which have commune council seats now.”

In the recent June 3 elections, the SRP won 20.8 per cent of the popular vote and the HRP won 9.8. It was the first election in which the HRP candidates had run.

A merger between the two parties has been bandied about for years, but concrete moves toward a merger began after the success of HRP in the commune council elections – success the party would be eager to protect in the restrictive legal framework of party mergers.

Tep Nytha, secretary-general of the NEC, reiterated that the Law on Political Parties states that individual political parties can establish their alliances, or a new political party, but if the two political parties merge into one with a new name, they must register and coordinate with the Ministry of Interior.

The potential confusion of forming a third party while the two opposition parties still exist means the move would need to be clearly explained to the populace, Puthea Hang, director of the Neutral and Impartial Committee for Free Elections in Cambodia, said yesterday.

“If they want to build a unique party, they need to build the confidence of the people before the general election,” Puthea said. “And there is not enough time to campaign totally.

“They need more time and more discussion,” he added.

If the structure of the National Rescue party is settled between Rainsy and Sokha and an aggressive campaign is successfully implemented, the new party could perform quite well in the upcoming national elections, Comfrel’s Panha reasoned.

“There could be an increase in confidence among supporters, it could re-energise people who had lost hope of real change and encourage those frustrated people to the polls,” Panha said.

Voter turnout for the recent commune elections was the lowest in years, with only about 60 per cent of the population casting a ballot.

 

Vietnam in need of reform

Monday, 09 July 2012

Roger Mitton

 

 As the famous American financial strategist Warren Buffet likes to say: “It’s only when the tide goes out that you learn who’s been swimming naked.”

For some years now, Vietnam’s Communist Party leaders have frolicked in the surf, their brazen nudity hidden by bubbling waves of frothy, easy-credit growth.

But as is now frighteningly evident, there has been far too much froth and not enough substance.

Starting soon after Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung took office in June 2006, it was clear that the tide was drifting out and exposing some very unsavory figures.

Of course, the full extent of Dung’s naked incompetence was not immediately apparent.

Growth rates for the first two years of his administration chugged along at about 7 per cent; less than others in the region, but still not too bad.

Concurrently, a campaign against corruption, the nation’s endemic Achilles’ heel, was launched – with Dung himself becoming head of the new Anti-Corruption Steering Committee.

All fine and dandy and everyone cheered.

Unfortunately, it was soon apparent that the rosy economic figures were built on sand and about to be washed away by the retreating tide.

And that anti-corruption committee was a toothless quango designed by Dung to deflect attention from the staggering misappropriation of funds by the state-owned enterprises.

Yet for some reason, many journalists, diplomats and even alleged experts continued to report that everything was swell.

To hear them prattle on about “dynamic” Vietnam and its “booming” economy was totally baffling – as it still is today.

If only they would just Google “economic rot in Hanoi”, or “Vietnam’s financial woes” or anything similar and see the cascade of fiscal obituaries.

What is really shocking is that the malaise is far worse now than it was when Dung took over.

As Vietnam’s own General Statistics Office reported last month: “The economy is facing major challenges.” When the regime itself says that, you know things are pretty desperate.

And they are. According to the GSO, 70 per cent of the country’s businesses reported losses in the first half of this year and nearly 22,000 went bankrupt.

The inventory index of many products surged sharply, while consumption continued to decline – basically, people had less money, and the money they had was worth less, so they weren’t spending.

Vietnam’s currency, the dong, remains prone to regular devaluations – it lost 10 per cent of its value last year and is forecast to drop another 2 to 3 per cent this year.

All the country’s state-owned banks are effectively bankrupt due to the massive non-performing loans they are carrying.

Property prices, which fell 10 to 20 per cent last year, are expected to dip another 5 to 10 per cent this year.

And Vietnam’s trade imbalance not only remains huge, but it is growing – its state budget deficit alone was $2.87 billion to June 15, equal to 42.8 per cent of the full-year estimate and nearly double that of last year.

The stock market is among the world’s worst performers, and the much-heralded growth rate is down to 4.4 per cent and falling.

In short, Vietnam’s top-down command economy is dying. As the World Bank said last month, there is a drastic need for structural reforms in the state-owned companies, banks and public investments.

Thankfully, the party has finally got the message and Dung is under fire.

After it was officially conceded that “corruption is still taking place in a rampant, serious and complicated fashion in multiple areas”, he was sacked as head of the anti-corruption committee.

That was humiliating enough, but now there is open talk in many ministries, and even in the military, that Dung simply cannot cut the mustard.

Of course, we should not only blame him and his cronies, but also the people themselves for putting up with this dreadful performance.

Instead, they should heed the regime-changing message from Myanmar to Tunisia: If you want reform, it can happen.

វិភាគ៖ កម្ពុជា​អាចមាន​អតិផរណា​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ជាន់​ខ្ពស់​​នាពេល​អនាគត?

(អត្ថបទចុះ​ផ្សាយ​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ  11-07-2012, 10:07 am) |  ដោយ កញ្ញា បូរមី

ភ្នំពេញ៖ និស្សិត ​ខ្មែរ​កាន់តែច្រើន​កំពុង​រៀន​យក​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​អនុបណ្ឌិត​និង​បណ្ឌិត។ នេះ​ជាស​ញ្ញា​ល្អ​មួយ​ក្នុង​វិស័យ​អប់រំ។ ប៉ុន្តែ គុណភាព​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​គឺជា​ក្តីបារម្ភ​ជាទូទៅ​មួយ។ សម្រាប់​ក្រុមអ្នកតាមដាន​ព្រឹត្តិការណ៍​នេះ ប្រសិនបើ​គេ​មិន​ពង្រឹងគុណភាព​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ទេ កម្ពុជា​អាច​នឹង​ប្រឈម​នឹង​អតិផរណា​ថ្នាក់អនុបណ្ឌិត​ឬ​ថ្នាក់បណ្ឌិត​ដែល​ គ្មាន​គុណភាព​ជាមិនខាន។


សព្វថ្ងៃនេះ មាន​និស្សិត​ច្រើន​ម៉ឺន​នាក់​បាន​ចេញពី​សាកលវិទ្យាល័យ​ជា​រៀងរាល់ឆ្នាំ។ ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​មិន​ខ្វះ​ទៀតឡើយ​ចំនួន​និស្សិត​ទទួលបាន​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​បរិ​ញ្ញា ​ប័ត្រ អនុបណ្ឌិត និង​បណ្ឌិត ប៉ុន្តែ ធនធានមនុស្ស​ដែល​មានតែ​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​តែ​មិនសូវមាន​គុណភាព និង​កង្វះ​ការងារ​សមរម្យ​សម្រាប់​អ្នក​ទាំងនោះ​គឺជា​ចំណោទបញ្ហា​សង្គម​មួយ។ បើ​យោងតាម​ការអង្កេត​ជាក់ស្តែង កង្វះ​ការងារ​សមរម្យ​សម្រាប់​អ្នកមាន​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ខ្ពស់​អាចជា​រឿង​មួយ ប៉ុន្តែ បញ្ហា​មួយទៀត​ដែល​អ្នកជំនាញ​មួយចំនួន​កំពុងតែ​បារម្ភ​ដែរនោះ​គឺ សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ហាក់​បានមក​ដោយ​ស្រួល​ពេក​ដែល​មិន​ឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំង​ពី​សមត្ថភាព​ ធនធានមនុស្ស។ មិនមែន​តែ​និស្សិត​ទេ​ដែល​កំពុង​ផ្អើល​រៀន​យក​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ថ្នាក់ខ្ពស់ ប៉ុន្តែ មន្ត្រីរាជការ​មួយចំនួន​ក៏​កំពុង​ផ្អើល​នាំគ្នា​រៀន​យក​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ខ្ពស់​ ផុត​លេខ​នេះដែរ។

តើ​មូល​ហេតុអ្វី​បាន​ជាមាន​និន្នាការ​រៀន​យក​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​នេះ?

ហេតុផល​ទី១ វា​មិន​ពិបាក​ក្នុង​ការឆ្លើយ​ទេពី​ព្រោះ​ជា​ក្រិត​ក្រម​សត្យានុម័ត នៅពេលដែល​មនុស្ស​មាន​ឱកាស​កាន់តែច្រើន មាន​ជីវភាព​កាន់តែ​ធូរធារ ពួកគេ​ចង់​តោង​ចាប់យក​ការសិក្សា​កាន់តែ​ខ្ពស់។ ការសិក្សា​កាន់តែ​ខ្ពស់​ធ្វើអោយ​មនុស្ស​មានការ​ពិចារណា​កាន់តែ​ជ្រៅ។ ការពិចារណា​កាន់​ជ្រៅ​អាច​ជំ​រុញអោយ​មនុស្ស​មានលទ្ធភាព​ទទួលបាន​ជ័យជំនះ​ ក្នុង​ជីវិត​កាន់​ច្រើន។ ប្រទេសមួយ​ដែល​ស​ប្បូរ​អ្នកចេះដឹង​នឹង​ស្គាល់​ការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍​ប្រកបដោយ​ និរន្តរភាព។

ហេតុផល​ទី២ អ្នករៀន​យក​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ថ្នាក់ខ្ពស់​មួយចំនួន​ហាក់​មាន​និ​ន្ន​ការចង់បាន​ កិត្តិយស​ច្រើនជាង​ចំណេះដឹង មានន័យថា ពួកគេ​រៀន​បន្ត​យក​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​អនុបណ្ឌិត​ឬ​បណ្ឌិត​គឺ​ដោយសារតែ​ចង់អោយ​ មនុស្ស​នៅ​ជុំវិញខ្លួន​ឬ​សង្គម​អោយ​តម្លៃ​ទៅលើ​ពួកគេ។ អ្នក​ខ្លះទៀត សុខចិត្ត​បន្ត​ការសិក្សា​យក​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​គឺ​ដោយសារតែ​ពួកគេ​មាន​ តួនាទី​តំណែង​ខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់​នៅក្នុង​ជួរ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល។ នៅពេលដែល​ពួកគេ​មាន​តំណែង​ខ្ពស់​ហើយ ដូច្នេះ ពួកគេ​ត្រូវការ​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ដើម្បី​ឲ្យ​ស័ក្តិសម​នឹង​តំណែង​របស់​ពួកគេ។ មាន​តំណែង​ខ្ពស់ មាន​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ខ្ពស់ ពួកគេ​អាច​ចៀស​ផុតពី​ការរិះគន់​របស់​មនុស្ស​នៅក្រោម​ប​ង្គ្រា​ប់។ នេះ​ជា​គំនិត​ត្រឹមត្រូវ ប៉ុន្តែ តើ​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​នោះ​ឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំង​ពី​ការខិតខំ​រៀនសូត្រ​រប​ស់​ពួកគេ​ដែរឬទេ? នេះ​ទើប​ជា​សំណួរ​សំខាន់។

 រីឯ​មូលហេតុ​ទី៣វិញ អ្នកសិក្សា​ដែល​ប្រាថ្នា​ចង់បាន​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​ពីព្រោះ​ពួកគេ​ រំពឹងថា រៀន​កាន់តែ​ខ្ពស់​ទទួលបាន​ប្រាក់ខែ​កាន់តែច្រើន។ ប៉ុន្តែ ដោយសារតែ​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ខ្វះ​គុណភាព អ្នក​រៀនសូត្រ​មួយចំនួន​បានទទួល​ការខកចិត្ត​ដ្បិត​គ្មាន​ការងារ​ធ្វើ​ទៅវិញ។

អ្នកជំនាញ​សង្គម​នៅក្នុង​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុ​ជាមួយ​ចំនួន​វិភាគ​ថា ជារួម រៀន​តែ​កាន់​ខ្ពស់​គឺជា​ប្រការ​ល្អ​សម្រាប់​ជីវិត​របស់​បុគ្គល​ខ្លួនឯង​និង​ សម្រាប់​សង្គមជាតិ​ទាំងមូល។ ប៉ុន្តែ នៅ​កម្ពុជា​បច្ចុប្បន្ន  និស្សិត​ដែលមាន​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ខ្ពស់​មួយចំនួន​កំពុង​ប្រឈម​នឹង​ការលំបាក​ក្នុង​ ការរក​ការងារ​ធ្វើ។ បញ្ហា​បណ្តាលមកពី​ទីផ្សារការងារ​ជាច្រើន​មិនទាន់​ហ៊ាន​អោយ​តម្លៃ​ប្រាក់ខែ​ ខ្ពស់​ទេ បញ្ហា​នេះ បានធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ការងារ​សម្រាប់​អ្នកមាន​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ខ្ពស់​ហាក់​នៅមានកម្រិត។

និយាយ​បែបនេះ​មិនមែន​មានន័យថា ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​មិនត្រូវ​ការ​អ្នកចេះដឹង​ច្រើន​នោះទេ តាមពិត​ប្រទេស​នេះ​នៅ​ខ្វះ​អ្នកចេះដឹង​ច្រើនណាស់​សម្រាប់​ជា​ធនធានមនុស្ស​ កសាង​ប្រទេស​ទៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ធនាគ​ត។ ប៉ុន្តែ គុណភាព​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ ការរៀនសូត្រ​ដែល​ខ្វះ​ការតម្រង់ទិស​ទៅរក​ទីផ្សារការងារ និង​ប្រព​ន្ធ័​គ្រប់គ្រង​សង្គម​ដែល​នៅ​ប្រកាន់​បក្សពួក​បានធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ អ្នកចេះដឹង​ខ្ពស់​ខ្លះ​គ្មាន​ការងារ​ពិតប្រាកដ​ទៅវិញ។

សរុបសេចក្តី​មកវិញ ការសិក្សារ​យក​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​ជា​ប្រការ​ល្អ​ហើយ ប៉ុន្តែ និស្សិត​ទាំងឡាយ​គួរ​ពិចារណា​រៀន​យកមុខ​វិជ្ជា​ជំនាញ​ផង។ ម្យ៉ាងវិញទៀត អ្នកសិក្សា​គួរតែ​ក្រឡេកមើល​គុណភាព​សិក្សា​ជាជាង​សំឡឹងមើល​តែ​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ ពោលគឺ ពួកគេ​គួរអោយ​តម្លៃ​លើ​សមត្ថភាព​ផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន​ឲ្យ​បាន​ខ្លាំង​ជាជាង​ការ​ កាន់តែ​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ដើររក​ការងារ​ធ្វើ។ ម្យ៉ាងទៀត ប្រេ​សិន​បើ​គេ​មិន​ប្រញាប់​ពង្រឹងគុណភាព​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ទេនោះ កម្ពុជា​នឹង​ជួប​អតិផរណា​សញ្ញាប័ត្រ​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​ដែល​គ្មាន​គុណភាព​ជាមិនខាន៕ 

Publishers say new bill will strip incentive to supply textbooks in Canada

MJ Deschamps15 July 2012 Issue No:230

 

Canadian publishers say recently passed copyright reform is stripping away some of their financial incentive to provide books to the country’s universities and colleges.

In the new law, ‘education’ – the term is otherwise undefined – has been added as a purpose under ‘fair dealing’ which, according to Carolyn Wood, executive director of the Canadian Association of Publishers, means “copying need not be compensated if the purpose of the copying is education”.

Wood told University World News that this provision under the Copyright Modernization Act (Bill C-11) could be interpreted as permitting uncompensated access to copyrighted materials in schools and universities, without requiring them to pay levies to collecting societies for photocopying or scanning.

“It seems inevitable that such interpretations will be made, and that rights holders will be forced to challenge them through the courts,” she said.

“At the very least, we are facing a new dimension of market uncertainty, the likelihood of expensive litigation, and the possibility of substantial erosion of a crucial revenue stream.”

Greg Nordal, president and CEO of Nelson Education Ltd, Canada’s leading educational publisher, agreed that expanding provisions for ‘fair dealing’ within Bill C-11 to include educational purposes creates great uncertainty for publishers and authors.

“The expanded fair dealing provisions change the investment climate for new curriculum resources, in that the principles of reimbursement to rights holders appear to be undermined,” he said.

“Why would publishers and authors invest their time and money creating new, indigenous materials in support of Canadian educational requirements, unless there is confidence of getting viable financial returns?”

A letter sent to Canadian government senators in June 2012 on behalf of the Canadian Publishers’ Council, the Canadian Educational Resources Council, the Association of Canadian Publishers and the Literary Press Group of Canada, reflects the same sentiment.

It advocates that marketplace predictability is an essential requirement for any publisher assessing investment opportunities, and weighing risks. If publishers become uncertain about the stability and viability of the market, said the letter, “they will pull back on their investment and innovation”.

The fair dealing exception will not only have an impact on the segment of Canadian publishing and writing geared specifically towards education, the letter argued, but will also harm those “whose works are not primarily created for the education market, but are nevertheless frequently used for educational purposes”.

There is even concern from publishing groups in other countries.

In May, Thomas H Allen, president and CEO of the Association of American Publishers, sent a letter to the Canadian government: “If adopted in its current form, [the law will] be extremely detrimental to the educational publishing industry, both in Canada and the US,” he wrote.

Allen added that leaving the term ‘education’ undefined could lead to a dramatic change in the industry, and may also bring “destabilising disruptions to long-established licensing arrangements”.

While the publishing industry appears to be up in arms, Canadian universities are welcoming the passage of the bill.

“The bill will…help to balance the needs of researchers, students and professors with those of creators,” said Paul Davidson, president of the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada (AUCC), in a statement.

“Universities, as both users and creators of copyrighted works, have worked hard for more than a decade to push for a new copyright act, and see Bill C-11 as a very fair approach to competing interests.”

According to the AUCC, Bill C-11 will permit university researchers to obtain and keep research materials in digital format, which is expected to help facilitate online learning and distance education.

Dr Michael Geist, who holds the Canada research chair of internet and e-commerce law at the University of Ottawa, said he believes that concerns from the industry are “unfounded” and that claims that the changes will allow for unlimited copying are false.

“Canadian fair dealing analysis involves a two-part test,” he said. “First, does the use – or dealing – qualify for one of the fair dealing exceptions? Second, if it does qualify, is the use itself fair?”

The extension of fair dealing to education, said Geist, only affects the first part of the test – which means that while legislation will extend the categories of what qualifies as fair dealing, it does not change the need for the use itself to be fair.

Diversify expansion to avoid a glut of ‘carbon copy’ graduates – Advisors in Singapore

Adele Yung12 July 2012 Issue No:230

 

Singapore’s university sector no longer needs to catch up with the rest of the world and should not slavishly follow Western models, simply expanding to produce more “carbon copy” graduates, according to a high-level international panel advising the government on its strategic higher education policies.

The eminent International Academic Advisory Panel that met in Singapore earlier this month cautioned the city-state against expanding the university sector without taking into account the needs of students and the economy.

This had happened in some countries where the value of the degree had become eroded and job prospects for graduates reduced, while university drop-out rates had risen, the panel said.

In particular, it warned against “the risk of gradual homogenisation of the university landscape as seen in other countries, where what started out as different models and institutions eventually drifted towards an increasingly similar, academically and research-oriented model of universities”.

The 12-member panel, headed by Deputy Prime Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam, includes: Andrew Hamilton, vice-chancellor of Oxford University; Paul Romer, professor of economics at New York University; Yang Wei, president of Zhejiang University; Sanjay Dhande, director of the Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur; and other university leaders from the United States, Finland and The Netherlands.

They also held discussions with Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Education Minister Heng Swee Keat this month.

“We are no longer in catch-up mode. We should keep taking lessons from the rest of the world but we should have the confidence to develop new pathways and models,” said Tharman during a 4 July press conference.

With an unclear economic climate and unknown future, a diverse education system was the best way to prepare young people. “Singapore must not put all its eggs into one basket,” Tharman said.

Expansion

The panel highlighted the risks of rapidly expanding traditional, academically oriented degrees in advanced and emerging economies. The consequences apparent in other countries have been “high attrition rates, reduced graduate employability and a dilution in the value of new university degrees.

“The expansion of the university sector should not simply be about producing more graduates, but should focus on ensuring quality in education and the development of skills of an applied nature, which would ensure good employment outcomes and careers,” the panel said in a statement released at the end of three days of deliberations.

While supporting an expansion of public higher education, the panel said new institutions should offer something different from existing universities.

“New models of applied education should seek to complement the existing universities and offer a ‘unique value proposition’. This distinctive model of education should nurture a different type of graduate, one who is practice-oriented and has a strong entrepreneurial and innovative bent.”

The Singaporean government has been examining whether to set up a fifth public university or invest public money in more vocationally oriented or applied higher education – for example, by expanding the number of places in polytechnics and other non-research institutions – as it moves towards admitting a third of the school-leaving cohort into tertiary education by 2015 compared to 25% now.

The panel’s message was echoed by the prime minister, who said on 7 July that Singapore had diversified the university sector and would continue to do so. Lee Hsien Loong was speaking at the ground-breaking ceremony for the new Yale-National University of Singapore liberal arts college.

Singapore would enlarge its higher education sector “not by doing more of the same but by diversifying the tertiary landscape”, including looking at alternative pathways for ‘applied’ degrees, Lee said.

Social science and humanities research

The advisory panel also backed government proposals to expand social sciences and humanities research, “which would provide research on new ways to prepare people for a rapidly changing world”, according to Romer of NYU’s Stern School of Business.

There was also a need for a research council that focused funding on the social sciences and humanities while building linkages with other areas of research excellence in Singapore, the panel said.

“These linkages could advance knowledge in areas that are of local and global interest, such as in healthcare services and sustainable development.”

Other niches to develop research excellence in Singapore could include: Asian societies and markets; management of multi-ethnic social compacts; challenges and opportunities facing cities, especially global cities (for instance, sustainable urban living and social support systems); and comparative studies of governance models and practices.

The panel was established by the Ministry of Education in 1997 to advise the government on major trends and directions in university education and research, with a view to developing Singapore’s universities into world-class institutions.

It has since been broadened to provide strategic guidance on Singapore’s higher education system as a whole