- Wednesday, 22 August 2012
- Sen David
- The Ministry of Labour is launching a new training program to prepare Cambodians to compete in the integrated ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) slated to come into being in 2015, ministry officials said yesterday.
The “Skills Bridging Program” will offer training in standard professional skills to youth in grade levels seven through nine across the country.
“Many youths across the country are dropping out of school and taking jobs without finishing their education, so they do not have skills comparable with workers in other countries,” Pich Sophan, secretary of state at the Labour Ministry, said yesterday.
“This worries us, because our country will face job competition with other ASEAN countries starting in 2015. We hope that this new program will make us competitive in the ASEAN job market. We have enough human resources and do not want to see other ASEAN labourers overwhelm our country.”
Sophan said that of Cambodia’s seven million current workers, a full 50 per cent dropped out of school at the primary level. Rural areas, where standards of living are generally lower, have especially high dropout rates.
Ouk Davany, director of the Technical Standard Institute, said the Skills Bridging Program should prepare these students to work in the fields of electronics, car repair and construction.
He noted that currently “most students want to study subjects that involve office work, but do not seem to focus on professional technical training, which means that other countries have an edge”.
Wednesday, 22 August 2012
Professional skills needed for ASEAN 2015
Statistics reveal job risks for beer promoters
- Wednesday, 22 August 2012
- Shane Worrell and Mom Kunthear
- Malis, not her real name, appears forlorn as she describes what her daughters go through to secure tips from their customers.
The young women, promoters for a major beer company, reluctantly spend their nights getting drunk on their own product – it’s what customers demand and can be the difference between the promoters earning tips and leaving their restaurants empty-handed.
Malis would know – she sells for the same beer company.
“I very much pity my daughters for following me into this work, but what can I do?” the 42-year-old says.
Getting drunk may be only a weekly or monthly pleasure for the customers, but for the women who serve them in restaurants, beer gardens and karaoke venues, it can be a full-time job – 27 nights a month.
“Every night, I have to talk to clients and persuade them to drink my beer,” Malis says. “I have to force myself to drink with the clients because it’s the only way they will buy it – I can’t avoid it.”
According to Ian Lubek, adjunct professor of psychology at the University of Guelph in Canada, about 85 per cent of 1,660 Cambodian beer promoters he has surveyed between 2004 and 2012 regularly drink at work.“Our research shows that beer promoters are consuming on average 1.5 litres of beer per night – that’s six glasses of beer, 27 nights per month,” Lubek says.
Research Lubek conducted in 2002 showed that the average beer promoter made US$55 per month, but had monthly living expenses of about $110.
Women were drinking with customers and offering sexual services as a way of making up the difference – ensuring they could provide for their children or send money to their provincial families.
According to Lubek’s most recent study, conducted this year, the promoters’ average monthly wage has climbed to $75, but expenses have grown even faster, to about $180 per month.
“[Now] they’re averaging a BAC or blood-alcohol content of .05. They’re basically drunk every night,” Lubek says.
“Overuse of alcohol at such a high rate leads to liver disease. Also, women aren’t told not to drink when they’re pregnant.”
Major companies involved in Cambodia’s beer industry including Carlsberg (an owner of Angkor Beer) and Heineken (an owner of Anchor, ABC and Tiger) established Beer Selling Industry Cambodia (BSIC) in 2006.
Included in a code of conduct it released were commitments to increase education for beer promoters, scrap demeaning uniforms, provide contracts and crack down on sexual harassment.
To address drinking, the COC specifies that beer promoters “should not” drink with customers.
According to the BSIC Monitoring Report 2011, authored by Indochina Research, there is a marked difference between the conditions of beer promoters employed by BSIC companies and those working for non-BSIC companies.
The report, based on monthly interviews of beer promoters last year, says 61 per cent from BSIC companies never drank with customers, while 38 per cent sometimes did.
Only 31 per cent of beer promoters from companies not part of BSIC never drank with customers, while 56 per cent sometimes did, the report claims.
Vo Thi Mai Trang, public relations and communications manager for Carlsberg Indochina, says the number of beer promoters drinking in Cambodian workplaces has decreased dramatically since BSIC was formed.
“And this is thanks to [the] BSIC Code of Conduct (COC) as well as the intensive training that we provided to our [beer promoters],” she says, adding that Carlsberg’s beer promoters are the highest paid after two pay increases last year.
John-Paul Schuirink, a spokesman for Heineken International, says promoters who sell his company’s beer are also well paid.
“The current average base salary . . . is $92 per month for a 30-hour working week. A 10 per cent increase was implemented this year. [It] compares favourably to the average income in Cambodia,” he says.
Schuirink says his company recognises the risks associated with beer promotion, which is why it founded BSIC and banned workers from drinking.
“Research shows that the beer promoters working for Attwood [a distributor for the company in Cambodia] have the highest rate of awareness and compliance with this rule,” he says.
Heineken’s priority was preventing alcohol use during working hours by giving training and information about its consequences, Schuirink adds.
“Besides that there is medical assistance available in case of problems,” he said.
Lubek, however, believes the COC has been largely ineffective.
“Statistics don’t show any improvement in the amount of beer drunk in the workplace . . . our research shows that company health education, if any, may come six to 12 months after they begin working . . That’s too late to prevent HIV/AIDS and alcohol dependence.”
One company not affiliated with BSIC, the Phnom Penh Beer Company, says its workers are “not encouraged” to drink.
“We don’t want them to drink because we want them to maintain their dignity . . . It also looks bad for the company if they drink,” a spokesman says.
When asked if the company provides health services for workers battling alcohol addiction, he says, “No, we don’t have any problems like that.”
Kingdom Breweries, also not affiliated with BSIC, says it no longer has beer promoters, but would not elaborate.
Dave Welsh, country director of the American Center for International Labor Solidarity, says beer companies need to do much more to ensure their promoters’ rights are protected.
“There’s a real health issue with unregulated drinking,” Welsh says. “It’s an unhealthy environment to work in, frankly.”
Offering beer promoters a wage that covered their monthly expenses is something beer companies should consider, he says.
“The amount of profits that are flowing back, not just to Angkor or Anchor, but to world-famous breweries like Carlsberg gives them a lot of leverage.”
Carlsberg is, however, taking positive steps toward establishing a memorandum of understanding that could improve conditions for its workers, Welsh adds.
Phol Sophea, deputy director of the Cambodian Food and Service Workers’ Federation (CFSWF), in Siem Reap province, believes some progress is being made to improve conditions for beer promoters, but problems such as drinking remain.
“Many workers have problems with physical health,” Sophea says.
“I ask them to visit the health centre, a service the companies provide free of charge. “But there is no support from the companies if a beer promoter becomes dependent on alcohol.”
CFSWF advises its members to tell customers that drinking on the job will make them sick.
“But some clients just don’t listen,” Sophea says. “So if the women don’t sit and drink beer with clients, they won’t sell their products and they won’t have any tips.
“The clients are kings to them, because they have money.”
To contact the reporters on this story: Shane Worrell at shane.worrell@phonmpenhpost.com
Mom Kunthear at kunthear.mom@phnompenhpost.com
Exam cheating rampant: report in Cambodia
- Wednesday, 22 August 2012
- Chhay Channyda
- National High School Exam candidates each spent an average of 120,000
riel – about US$30 – on bribes over this year’s two-day testing period
to secure exam answers, according to independent research released
yesterday.
Social researcher Kem Ley’s report Turning a Blind Eye purported that 92 per cent of students were involved in bribery or cheating during the exam, which is conducted under the supervision of high- school proctors, teachers and police officials.
“We also see that 55 per cent of answers were copied from their hand phone after the answer was made and sent around by email,” Ley said, noting social media site Facebook had emerged as a popular means to cheat during this year’s exams, which took place on August 6 and 7.
“However, while this is a self-formed habit to bribe the [exam supervisors], this year there was a bit of improvement compared to last year,” he said, pointing to more diligent monitoring of exam rooms by police officials as stemming the amount of exam answer cheat sheets physically used by students.
The 40-page research findings from interviews with 157 students will be sent to the Ministry of Education and government development partners UNESCO and UNICEF next week, Ley told the Post, in a bid to put pressure on the government to reform the education system.For Ley, the solution lies in improving the quality and ethics of teachers and exam invigilators through appropriate remuneration or up to $150 per day during the exam period.
Rong Chhun, president of the Cambodian Independent Teacher Association, agreed that exam irregularities greatly diminished the quality of the education system in Cambodia.“It isn’t a new thing. Although it was quieter around exam rooms this year, that is because they are copying via email and Facebook,” Chhun said.
He added that if the government did not deal with the quality of education in Cambodia, it could not produce a competitive labour force for the 2015 ASEAN integration.
Sam Sereyrath, general director at the Ministry of Education, said the research was a somewhat “small sample”, so it was incapable of evaluating the whole high-school exam.
“The result would have been much more positive if he had interviewed more,” he said.
To contact the reporter on this story: Chhay Channyda at channyda.chhay@phnompenhpost.com
អំពើពុករលួយនៅតែកើតមានខ្លាំងក្លាក្នុងពេលប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបឆ្នាំនេះ
- Wednesday, 22 August 2012
- ឆាយ ច័ន្ទនីដា
- ភ្នំពេញៈ អំពើពុករលួយសូកលុយគ្រូ
ដើម្បីបានបើកចម្លងចម្លើយវិញ្ញាសារដោយសេរី នៅតែកើតមានខ្លាំងក្លា
នៅក្នុងមណ្ឌលប្រឡង មធ្យមសិក្សាទុតិយភូមិ បាក់ឌុប
ដែលបានក្លាយជា«ទម្លាប់» រវាងសិស្ស និងគ្រូអនុរក្សតាមបន្ទប់ប្រឡង
ធ្វើឲ្យអ្នកវិភាគគិតថា
បើគ្មានកំណែទម្រង់វិស័យអប់រំឲ្យទាន់ពេលវេលាទេ
នោះសមត្ថភាពយុវជនកម្ពុជា នឹងមានការប្រឈមខ្លាំង
នៅក្នុងសមាហរណកម្មអាស៊ានឆ្នាំ ២០១៥ ខាងមុខ។
របាយការណ៍ឯករាជ្យ មួយ បានរកឃើញថា ក្រុមយុវជន ជាសិស្សានុសិស្ស ប្រឡងបញ្ចប់ថ្នាក់ទី ១២ ប្រព្រឹត្តទៅកាលពីថ្ងៃទី ៦-៧-៨ ខែសីហានេះ ដែលមានចំនួនសិស្ស ១១៤ ៤១៤ នាក់ ក្នុងនោះមាន ៩២ ភាគរយ បាននាំគ្នារៃលុយគ្នា ក្នុងបន្ទប់ប្រឡង ឲ្យគ្រូអនុរក្ស ដោយគ្មានការជំរិតនោះឡើយ ហើយគ្រូក៏ទទួលយកដែរ ដោយធ្វើជាមិនដឹងមិនឮ បើកដៃឲ្យសិស្សចម្លងគ្នាដោយសេរី។
ការសិក្សា ដែលធ្វើដោយក្រុមលោក កែម ឡី ជាអ្នកពិគ្រោះយោបល់ និងស្រាវជ្រាវឯករាជ្យផ្នែកសង្គម ចេញផ្សាយកាលពីថ្ងៃចន្ទ ក្រោមចំណងជើងថា «មិនគួរធ្វើមិនដឹង» បានសម្ភាសសិស្សប្រឡងថ្នាក់ទី ១២ ចំនួន ១៥៧ នាក់ ព្រមទាំងមាតា បិតាសិស្ស និងគ្រូអនុរក្ស ប្រមាណ ៥០ នាក់ផ្សេងទៀត ដោយរកឃើញថា៖ «ជាមធ្យម បេក្ខជនប្រឡង ត្រូវចំណាយ ១២ ម៉ឺនរៀល ទៅឲ្យគ្រូអនុរក្ស ក្នុងរយៈពេលប្រឡងពីរថ្ងៃកន្លះ។ ៧៧.៧ ភាគរយ រាយការណ៍ថា ពួកគេអាចចម្លងចម្លើយពីគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមក»។ ការសិក្សាស្រាវជ្រាវនេះ បានរកឃើញមូលហេតុ ដែលនាំឲ្យសិស្សប្រមូលលុយជូនអនុរក្ស គឺដើម្បីឲ្យគ្រូផ្តល់ឱកាស ឲ្យពួកគេបានចម្លងគ្នាគឺមានប្រមាណ៥៤ភាគរយ។
លោក កែម ឡី បានប្រាប់ភ្នំពេញ ប៉ុស្តិ៍ថា ជាទូទៅស្ថានការណ៍ប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបឆ្នាំនេះ មានភាពប្រសើរជាងឆ្នាំមុនដោយមានកម្លាំងសមត្ថកិច្ច យាមកាមតឹងតែង និងមិនមានការបោះឯកសារចម្លើយ ចូលបន្ទប់ប្រឡងរញ៉េរញ៉ៃ ដូចឆ្នាំមុនៗឡើយ។
ទោះយ៉ាងណា លោកថា អ្វីដែលកត់សម្គាល់ខ្លាំង គឺសិស្សបាននាំគ្នាយកទូរស័ព្ទស៊េរីទំនើប ចូលបន្ទប់ប្រឡង ដើម្បីទាក់ទងតាមសារអេឡិចត្រូនិក ឬប្រព័ន្ធបណ្តាញសង្គម ហ្វ៊េសប៊ុក ឲ្យអ្នកនៅខាងក្រៅ សរសេរចម្លើយឲ្យហើយផ្ញើមកវិញ។
លោកថ្លែងថា ៖ «ភាគច្រើន ៥៥ ភាគរយ បានឆ្លើយថា គាត់ចម្លង(ចម្លើយ)ចេញចូលតាមទូរស័ព្ទដៃ។ គាត់ថា ភាគច្រើនគេថតវិញ្ញាសា ធ្វើតាមអ៊ីមែល បញ្ចូនឲ្យគេធ្វើឲ្យ ហើយផ្ញើតាមអ៊ីមែលមកវិញ។ ទោះគ្រាន់បើជាងមុន ប៉ុន្តែចំណុចខ្លះ ក្លាយជាប្រពៃណី និងទម្លាប់ទៅហើយ គឺពេលប្រឡង ត្រូវតែប្រមូលលុយឲ្យគ្រូ ទោះគ្រូមិនបានបង្គាប់ក៏ដោយ»។
នា សប្តាហ៍ក្រោយនេះ ឯកសារលម្អិត ប្រមាណពី ៣០ ទៅ ៤០ ទំព័រនឹងត្រូវបញ្ជូនទៅកាន់ក្រសួងអប់រំយុវជននិងកីឡា និងអង្គការដៃគូជាតិ អន្តរជាតិ ជាពិសេសអង្គការយូនីសែហ្វ និងយូណេស្កូ ដែលធ្វើការពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងការលើកស្ទួយគុណភាពអប់រំ ដើម្បីឲ្យភាគីទាំងនោះ យកទៅពិចារណា និងធ្វើការ«ដាក់សម្ពាធដល់រដ្ឋាភិបាល ឲ្យមានការផ្លាស់ប្តូរ»។
លោក កែម ឡី បានផ្តល់អនុសាសន៍ ដល់រដ្ឋាភិបាលឲ្យបង្កើនប្រាក់ឧបត្ថម្ភ សម្រាប់គ្រូ អនុរក្សឲ្យបានពី ១០០ ទៅ ១៥០ ដុល្លារ សម្រាប់គ្រូម្នាក់ ក្នុងរយៈពេលប្រឡង ២ ថ្ងៃកន្លះ ដែលសព្វថ្ងៃ គ្រូទាំងនោះ ទទួលបានប្រមាណពី ៥០ ទៅ ៧៥ ដុល្លារប៉ុណ្ណោះ ហើយត្រូវធ្វើកិច្ចសន្យាជាមួយគ្រូទាំងនោះ ទើបគ្រូមិនអាចហ៊ានទទួលសំណូកពីសិស្ស។ លើសពីនេះ ត្រូវជំរុញឲ្យសិស្សខិតខំបង្កើនសមត្ថភាពខ្លួនឯង ដើម្បីគុណភាពអប់រំនៅកម្ពុជា។
របាយការណ៍នេះ ត្រូវបានស្វាគមន៍ ដោយលោក រ៉ុង ឈុន ប្រធានសមាគមគ្រូបង្រៀនកម្ពុជាឯករាជ្យ ដែលក៏បានរកឃើញពីភាពមិនប្រក្រតីជាច្រើន ក្នុងការប្រឡងនេះផងដែរ។ លោកថ្លែងថា៖ «នេះមិនមែនជារឿងថ្មីទេ ទិដ្ឋភាពឆ្នាំនេះ មានភាពស្ងប់ស្ងាត់តែនៅខាងក្រៅ តែខាងក្នុងមានភាពអាក្រក់ជាងឆ្នាំមុនខ្លាំងណាស់ ព្រោះគេធ្វើតាមប្រព័ន្ធអេឡិចត្រូនិក មានទូរស័ព្ទដៃថតដាក់ហ្វេសប៊ុក។ មានមណ្ឌលខ្លះ ធ្វើវិញ្ញាសាលក់ឲ្យបេក្ខជនទៀតផង»។ លោកបន្តថា បើរដ្ឋាភិបាល មិនគិតគូរពីគុណភាពអប់រំ ឲ្យបានឆាប់ទេនោះ គុណភាពអប់រំនៅកម្ពុជា នឹងមិនមានអ្វីប្រកួតប្រជែង ពេលដែលកម្ពុជា ធ្វើសមាហរណកម្ម ចូលទៅក្នុងសហគមន៍អាស៊ានឆ្នាំ ២០១៥នោះទេ។ សមាគមគ្រូបង្រៀន ក៏ត្រៀមចេញនូវរបាយការណ៍ នៃភាពមិនប្រក្រតី ក្នុងការប្រឡងមធ្យមសិក្សាទុតិយភូមិក្រោយពីការប្រកាសលទ្ធផលនៃ ការប្រឡងនៅចុងខែនេះ។
លោក សំ សេរីរតន៍ អគ្គនាយកអប់រំ នៃក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជននិងកីឡា ថ្លែងថា លោកបានពិនិត្យមើលឃើញថា ការស្រាវជ្រាវមួយនេះ នៅមានទំហំតូច និងមិនអាចវាយតម្លៃបាននូវស្ថានការណ៍ នៃការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបទាំងមូលនោះបានឡើយ។ លោកនិយាយថា៖ «នេះជារបាយការណ៍ល្អ។ គាត់បានវាយតម្លៃថា មានភាពយុត្តិធម៌ ៦០ ភាគរយ តែគាត់ធ្វើតែជាង ១០០ នាក់ មិនតំណាងឲ្យទាំងអស់ជាង ១១ ម៉ឺននាក់នោះទេ បើគាត់ធ្វើច្រើន(សម្ភាស) ច្រើនជាងនេះលទ្ធផលអាចប្រសើរច្រើន»។ លោកបន្តថា៖«ភាពអាក្រក់(ក្នុងការស្រាវជ្រាវ)នេះ មិនធ្ងន់ធ្ងរទេ ព្រោះក្រសួងបានកែប្រែច្រើនហើយ តែការសិក្សានេះ អាចជួយមួយចំណែកដែរ ដល់វិស័យអប់រំយើង»៕
For more information, please check his official report at https://docs.google.com/file/d/1RNxFa10KMN0ASDukye7lp2CLHTLLmk7-I_BL1aLBtdPYva9WfmDA5uXLHpEK/edit
Tuesday, 21 August 2012
Facebook Inc នឹងប្រឈមសម្ពាធកាន់តែខ្លាំងថែមទៀត
- Tuesday, 21 August 2012
- Bloomberg
- ក្រុងមេនឡូផាកៈ ភាគហ៊ុនរបស់ក្រុមហ៊ុន Facebook Inc
ដែលបានធ្លាក់ចុះដល់តម្លៃទាបបំផុត
បន្ទាប់ពីអ្នកខាងក្នុងក្រុមហ៊ុន (insider)
អាចលក់ភាគហ៊ុនជាលើកទីមួយ ចាប់ពីការបោះផ្សាយ IPO មកនោះ
នឹងត្រូវប្រឈមនឹងសម្ពាធកាន់តែខ្លាំងថែមទៀត នៅពេលភាគហ៊ុនចំនួន
១,៤៤ពាន់លានហ៊ុនផ្សេងទៀត ត្រូវបានលក់ចេញរហូតដល់ខែវិច្ឆិកា។
កាល ពីសប្តាហ៍មុន ក្រុមហ៊ុន Facebook បានលក់ចេញភាគហ៊ុនចំនួន ២៧១,១លានហ៊ុន ដែលជាការលក់ចេញលើកដំបូងក្នុងចំណោមការរឹតបន្តឹងការលក់ចេញ ចំនួន ៥ ដែលត្រូវធ្វើក្នុងអំឡុងឆ្នាំទីមួយក្នុងនាមជាក្រុមហ៊ុនសាធារណៈ។
ខណៈ លោក Mark Zuckerberg អគ្គនាយកក្រុមហ៊ុន Facebook កំពុងប្រតិបត្តិការសេវាបណ្តាញសង្គមមួយនោះ លោក កំពុងប្រឈមនឹងក្តីបារម្ភរបស់ក្រុមវិនិយោគិនថាតើក្រុមហ៊ុននេះ អាចរកប្រាក់ចំណូលបន្ថែមដោយរបៀបណាពីមូលដ្ឋានកំណើនអ្នកប្រើប្រាស់ សេវាសង្គមនេះ។ ក្តីបារម្ភនោះ រួមទាំងការបញ្ចប់រយៈពេលបម្រាមលក់ភាគហ៊ុនចេញ (lock-up) លើកទីមួយ បានជំរុញឲ្យតម្លៃភាគហ៊ុនរបស់ក្រុមហ៊ុននេះ បានធ្លាក់ចុះពាក់កណ្តាលមកនៅត្រឹម ៣៨ដុល្លារ និងធ្វើឲ្យតម្លៃទីផ្សាររបស់ក្រុមហ៊ុននេះ ធ្លាក់ចុះ ៤៦ពាន់លានដុល្លារ។
លោក Herman Leung អ្នកវិភាគប្រចាំក្រុមហ៊ុន Susquehanna International Group ថ្លែងថា៖ «តើនេះគឺជាអ្វីដែលគ្មានភាពអត់ធ្មត់ ឬជាអ្វីដែលវិនិយោគិនគួរតែព្រួយបារម្ភ? ត្រូវហើយ តែចំពោះក្រុមវិនិយោគិនរយៈពេលវែងវិញ ខ្ញុំយល់ថា នេះគឺជាឱកាសដ៏ល្អមួយដើម្បីទិញភាគហ៊ុន ដែលមានតម្លៃទាបបែបនេះ»៕ BP
រដ្ឋាភិបាលភូមាបានសម្រេចលុបចោលការត្រួតពិនិត្យលើបណ្តាញសារព័ត៌មាន
តាមទ្រឹស្តី គ្មានទៀតឡើយ ការត្រួតពិនិត្យលើបណ្តាញសារព័ត៌មាននៅក្នុងប្រទេសភូមា មានន័យថា អ្នកកាសែតអាចចុះផ្សាយគ្រប់អត្ថបទពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងរឿងនយោបាយ និងសាសនាដោយមិនចំាបាច់សុំការអនុញ្ញាតពីរដ្ឋាភិបាលទេ។ គួរជម្រាបជូនថា មកទល់ពេលនេះ មុននឹងបោះផ្សាយអត្ថបទអ្វីមួយ ពិសេសអត្ថបទដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងរឿងនយោបាយ និងសាសនា អ្នកកាសែតចំាបាច់ត្រូវតែបញ្ជូនអត្ថបទរបស់ខ្លួនទៅឲ្យ គណៈកម្មាធិការត្រួតពិនិត្យ ជាមុនសិន។ បន្ទាប់ពីគណៈកម្មាធិការត្រួតពិនិត្យធ្វើការកែសម្រួលរួចហើយ ទើបអ្នកកាសែតអាចយកអត្ថបទរបស់ខ្លួនទៅចុះផ្សាយបាន។នៅប្រទេសភូមា រដ្ឋាភិបាលភូមាបានសម្រេចលុបចោលការត្រួតពិនិត្យលើបណ្តាញសារព័ត៌មាន។ ចាប់ពីពេលនេះតទៅ គ្រប់សារព័ត៌មាន និងទស្សនាវដ្តីទំាងអស់មិនចំាបាច់បញ្ជូនអត្ថបទទាក់ទងនឹងរឿង នយោបាយ និងសាសនាទៅឲ្យគណៈកម្មាធិការត្រួតពិនិត្យដើម្បីសុំការអនុញ្ញាត បោះផ្សាយដូចមុនទៀតឡើយ។ តែគេត្រូវរង់ចំាមើលថា តើវិធានាការនេះនឹងត្រូវគេយកទៅអនុវត្តឲ្យបានត្រឹមត្រូវដែរ ឬទេ។ ថ្មីៗនេះ រដ្ឋាភិបាលបានសម្រេចព្យួរការផ្សាយរបស់ទស្សនាវដ្តីប្រចំាសប្តាហ៍ ចំនួនពីរ។ ឃើញថា នេះគឺជាកាយវិការមួយដែលបានបង្ហាញថា រដ្ឋអំណាចនៅមិនទាន់បានត្រៀមខ្លួនដើម្បីបញ្ឈប់ការត្រួតពិនិត្យ ទំាងស្រុងលើបណ្តាញសារព័ត៌មានក្នុងស្រុកទេ។
ជាមួយនឹងវិធានការថ្មីនេះ រដ្ឋាភិបាលទីក្រុងណៃពីដ៏មិនបានរំលាយគណៈកម្មាធិការត្រួតពិនិត្យចោល ទេ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ គណៈកម្មាធិការនេះនឹងលែងធ្វើការងារត្រួតពិនិត្យលើសារព័ត៌មានដូចមុន ទៀតឡើយ។ តែទន្ទឹមគ្នានេះ រដ្ឋាភិបាលបានបង្កើតចេញនូវក្រុមប្រឹក្សាសារព័ត៌មានភូមាមួយ។ ក្រុមប្រឹក្សានេះមានតួនាទីជាអ្នកសិក្សាលើគ្រប់បញ្ហាដែលជាប់ ពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងសារព័ត៌មាន។
យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ ក្រុមអ្នកកាសែតភូមានៅមិនទាន់ហ៊ានសម្តែងការត្រេកត្រអាលរបស់ខ្លួន នៅឡើយទេ ដោយពួកគេរង់ចំាមើលការអនុវត្តន៍ជាក់ស្តែងរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាលជាមុនសិន។ គួររម្លឹកជូនថា ការពីចុងខែកក្កដាកន្លងទៅ មានទស្សនាវដ្តីប្រចំាសប្តាហ៍ចំនួនពីរបានត្រូវរដ្ឋអំណាចផ្អាក សកម្មភាពមួយរយៈ បន្ទាប់ពីបានចុះផ្សាយអត្ថបទរបស់ខ្លួន ដោយមិនបានបញ្ជូនអត្ថបទទៅឲ្យគណៈកម្មាធិការត្រួតពិនិត្យជាមុន។ តែបន្ទាប់ពីមានការតវ៉ាប្រឆំាងពីសំណាក់ក្រុមអ្នកកាសែតមក ទើបរដ្ឋាភិបាលអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យទស្សនាវដ្តីប្រចំាសប្តាហ៍ទំាងពីរនោះមាន ដំណើរការជាធម្មតាឡើងវិញ។
ម្យ៉ាងទៀត អ្នកកាសែតភាគច្រើនបានយល់ឃើញថា ក្រុមប្រឹក្សាសារព័ត៌មានភូមាដែលទើបបង្កើតឡើង ដោយមានសមាជិកតែងតំាងដោយរដ្ឋាភិបាល និងដឹកនំាដោយអតីតចៅក្រមនោះ នឹងគ្មានឯករាជ្យទេ៕
បង្កើតអាស៊ាននៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧ ដើម្បីជាខែលទប់ទល់នឹងមនោគមវិជ្ជាកុម្មុយនិស្ត
ថ្ងៃនេះហ្សង់-ហ្វ្រង់ស័រ តាន់ បន្តលើកឡើងអំពីភូមិសាស្រ្តនយោបាយនៃអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍តទៅទៀត ដោយសូមផ្តើមសិក្សាទៅលើសមាគមប្រជាជាតិអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ហៅកាត់ថា អាស៊ាន។ កាលពី៤៥ឆ្នាំមុន គឺនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧ អាស៊ានត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើង ដើម្បីជាខែលទប់ទបើងាកក្រោយ ពិនិត្យមើលប្រវត្តិ៤៥ឆ្នាំរបស់សមាគមប្រជាជាតិអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ ហៅកាត់ថាអាស៊ាន គេនឹងយល់ច្បាស់ភ្លាមថា ការចាប់បដិសន្ធិឡើងនៃអង្គការតំបន់មួយនេះនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧ ស្តែងឱ្យឃើញនូវភាពប្រេះឆាខ្លាំងមែនទែននៃភូមិភាគអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ សម័យនោះ។
នៅក្នុងទសវត្សរ៍ទី៦០ មានអធិករណ៍ស្មុគស្មាញខ្លាំងណាស់ រវាងបណ្តាប្រទេសអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ដែលជាកោះ។ ជាក់ស្តែង ប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ីមានទំនាស់ជាមួយប្រទេសឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី ជុំវិញកោះបូរណេអូ(Bornéo) ហើយនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៣ដែនដីប៉ែកខាងជើងនៃកោះនេះ គឺដែនដីកាលីម៉ង់តង់(Kalimantan) បានប្រកាសផ្តាច់ខ្លួនទៅនៅក្រោមការគ្រប់គ្រងនៃប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ី ជាហេតុបានធ្វើឲ្យប្រទេសឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ីខឹងច្រឡោតតោតតូងនិងជាហេតុបាន ធ្វើឱ្យសង្គ្រាមហៀបតែនឹងផ្ទុះឡើងម្តងៗ រវាងប្រទេសភាគីជម្លោះទាំងពីរទៀតផង។
ម៉្យាងវិញទៀត កាលសម័យនោះ ក៏មានដែរភាពតានតឹងរវាងម៉ាឡេស៊ីនិងសិង្ហបុរី ពីព្រោះសិង្ហបុរីក្រោមការដឹកនាំរបស់លី គាន់យូ (Lee Kuan Yew) បានសម្រេចដើរចេញពីសហព័ន្ធរួមម៉ាឡេស៊ី។ ក្រៅពីនេះ ម៉ាឡេស៊ីក៏មានទំនាស់ជាមួយហ្វីលីពីនដែរជុំវិញដែនដីសាបាហ៍(Sabah) ដែលឋិតនៅប៉ែកខាងជើងនៃកោះបូរណេអូពីព្រោះសាបាហ៍បានប្រកាសដាក់ ខ្លួនឱ្យនៅក្រោមការគ្រប់គ្រងរបស់ប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ី។
ទន្ទឹមនេះ កាលសម័យនោះ អាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ជាសមរភូមិនៃសង្គ្រាមត្រជាក់ មានន័យថា វាជាទីកន្លែងដ៏ក្តៅគគុកជាងគេបង្អស់មួយនៃជម្លោះមនោគមវិជ្ជា រវាងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក សហភាពសូវៀត និងចិន ជម្លោះមនោគមវិជ្ជាដែលស្តែងឡើងតាមរយៈសង្គ្រាមនៅវៀតណាម។ សង្គ្រាមវៀតណាម ដែលកាលណោះបានផ្តើមរីករាលដាលចូលទៅដល់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជានិងឡាវ ពោលគឺពាសពេញឥណ្ឌូចិនតែម្តង។ មិនតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ ទ័ពព្រៃកុម្មុយនិស្តក៏មានសកម្មភាពខ្លាំងក្លាណាស់ដែរនៅប្រទេស ភូមា ថៃ ហ្វីលីពីននិងឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ីជាទីដែលឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ស៊ូហារតូ(Suharto) បានវាយបង្ក្រាបក្នុងថ្លុកឈាមពួកសកម្មជនបក្សកុម្មុយនិស្ត ជាហេតុបានបណ្តាលឱ្យមានស្លាប់យ៉ាងតិច៥០០ ០០០នាក់។
នៅក្នុងស្ថានភាពមួយដ៏អាសន្នបែបនេះ បណ្តាប្រទេសអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ដែលឋិតនៅក្រោមឥទ្ធិពលអាមេរិកាំង រួមមានថៃ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិង្ហបុរី ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី និងហ្វីលីពីន ដែលមានជម្លោះទឹកដីរវាងគ្នាត្រូវប្រឈមមុខនឹងដំណោះស្រាយបញ្ហាពីរ៖ ទីមួយ គឺត្រូវធ្វើយ៉ាងណាកុំឱ្យសង្គ្រាមកើតឡើងរវាងពួកគេ រីឯទីពីរគឺត្រូវពឹងពាក់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកដើម្បីខ្ទប់កុំឥទ្ធិពល កុម្មុយនិស្តរីកធំធាត់នៅក្នុងប្រទេសពួកគេបាន។ អ៊ីចឹងហើយបានជាបណ្តាប្រទេសសម្ព័ន្ធមិត្តទាំង៥របស់អាមេរិកនៅ អាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ គឺថៃ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិង្ហបុរី ឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី និងហ្វីលីពីនបានសម្រេចចិត្តបង្កើតអាស៊ានឡើងនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧។
មែនទែនទៅ នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៧នោះ ការទប់ទល់នឹងមនោគមវិជ្ជាកុម្មុយនិស្ត មិនមែនជាគោលដៅផ្លូវការដែលចែងនៅក្នុងសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍រួមរបស់ ប្រទេសស្ថានិកអាស៊ានទាំង៥ទេ។ គោលដៅជាផ្លូវការដែលបានចែង គឺបង្កើនសហប្រតិបត្តិការសេដ្ឋកិច្ចសង្គមកិច្ចនិងវប្បធម៌រវាងបណ្តា ប្រទេសសមាជិកនិង «បង្កើតតំបន់សន្តិភាពមួយដែលមានមូលដ្ឋាននៅលើសេរីភាពនិង អព្យាក្រិតភាព»។
ទោះជាយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ គេត្រូវរង់ចាំរហូតដល់ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៦ ទើបឃើញបណ្តាប្រទេសសមាជិកអាស៊ានប្រញាប់រួសរាន់ផ្តល់សន្ទុះថ្មីដល់ អង្គការតំបន់មួយនេះ។ ជាក់ស្តែង នាឱកាសជំនួបកំពូលអាស៊ាននៅបាលី(Bali)ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៦ ប្រទេសថៃ ម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិង្ហបុរី ហ្វីលីពីន និងឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ីបានចុះហត្ថលេខាលើសន្ធិសញ្ញាមិត្តភាពនិង សហប្រតិបត្តិការមួយ ដើម្បីពង្រឹងសាមគ្គីភាពរវាងគ្នា នៅចំពោះមុខការគំរាមកំហែងនៃបណ្តាប្រទេសកុម្មុយនិស្តនៅឥណ្ឌូចិន។ នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៧៦ដដែលនោះ អគ្គលេខាធិការដ្ឋានអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍មួយរបស់អាស៊ានត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើងនៅ យ៉ារការតា(Jakarta)ប្រទេសឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី។
មានមូលហេតុមួយសំខាន់ដែលបានជំរុញឱ្យប្រទេសស្ថាបនិកទាំងប្រាំ ផ្តល់សន្ទុះថ្មីដល់អង្គការអាស៊ាន នោះគឺនៅខែមេសាឆ្នាំ១៩៧៥ កងទ័ពកុម្មុយនិស្តវៀតណាមខាងជើងបានចូលកាន់កាប់ទីក្រុងសៃហ្កុង (Saigon) កងយោធាកុម្មុយនិស្តខ្មែរក្រហមបានចូលកាន់កាប់ទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ និងចលនាកុម្មុយនិស្តប៉ាថេតឡាវ(Pathet Lao)បានឈ្នះសង្គ្រាម នៅប្រទេសឡាវ។
បន្ទាប់មកទៀតនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៧៩ អាស៊ានបានប្រកាន់ជំហរនយោបាយច្បាស់ជាងមុន ក្រោយពីប្រទេសវៀតណាមគាំទ្រដោយសហភាពសូវៀត បានចូលឈ្លានពានប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ផ្តួលរំលំរបបខ្មែរក្រហមដែលរណបចិនកុម្មុយនិស្ត។ ជំហរនយោបាយរបស់អាស៊ានកាលណោះ គឺឋិតនៅខាងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក និងនៅខាងចិនដែលបានជួយគាំទ្រខ្មែរក្រហមក្នុងសង្គ្រាមប្រឆាំងនឹង របបហេង សំរិននៅកម្ពុជាដែលទ្រទ្រង់ដោយវៀតណាម និងសហភាពសូវៀត។ គឺនៅក្នុងបរិបទនេះហើយ ដែលប្រទេសថៃបានបើកដៃឱ្យខ្មែរក្រហមប្រើប្រាស់ទឹកដីរបស់គេទុក ធ្វើជាសមរភូមិក្រោយ។ ទន្ទឹមនេះ អាស៊ានបានធ្វើការគាបសង្កត់តាមផ្លូវទូតដើម្បីបង្ខំឱ្យវៀតណាមដក ទ័ពចេញពីកម្ពុជា ។ គឺនៅក្នុងបរិបទនៃអ្វីដែលគេហៅថា សង្គ្រាមឥណ្ឌូចិនលើកទី៣នេះហើយ ដែលអាស៊ានបានទទួលប្រទេសព្រុយណេឱ្យចូលជាសមាជិកនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៨៤៕ ល់នឹងមនោគមវិជ្ជាកុម្មុយនិស្ត។
Sunday, 19 August 2012
Degrees ‘not worth the paper they're written on’ in Myanma
Myint Oo19 August 2012 Issue No:235
Employment prospects for university graduates in Burma are
unpredictable. The subject they studied at university often does not
match workforce skills requirements. A physics graduate does not become a
physicist. He may work as a taxi-driver.
A maths graduate will not be a mathematician, but may become a trishaw peddler. A history graduate may become a security guard. Many other graduates end up working in non-professional positions like brokers or even doing odd jobs.
In neighbouring countries, Burma’s male graduates generally end up as manual labourers, and women graduates become babysitters or housemaids. Graduates do not have the skills suitable for working in the areas in which they majored at university.
The government has failed to create new jobs, leaving tens of thousands of graduates waiting for years to fill vacant positions in the public sector. More than 6,000 medical graduates are now unemployed in a country with a population of 60 million. The International Monetary Fund estimates Burma’s unemployment rate to be 5.5%, compared to 0.7% in Thailand.
Degree ‘not worth the paper it’s written on’
There is no private university in Burma. Nearly 170 public universities are run by 13 ministries and each minister has his own idea of how to do it. There is no independent university council.
Curricula and learning materials are out of date and are not relevant. Graduates lack the necessary skills to tackle the country’s immediate needs or the long-term social, political and economic problems that have devastated Burma for generations.
If you ask a student “What will you do when you graduate?” you will get answers like, “I will attend an English class” or “I will learn Chinese or a foreign language to get a job” or, more frequently, “I will attend a computer course”. Shockingly, some will say: “I will try to get another degree so I have more letters after my name.”
No matter what the answer is, it is likely that university graduates will not find a skilled job. The country’s educated people scoff at their own degree certificates, often saying they are "not worth the paper they’re written on".
For years, about 25% of Burma’s budget went to the armed forces, compared with 1.3% spent on education.
Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, in her speech at the World Economic Forum, called for investments that create new jobs to avoid youth unemployment. At Oxford University she said the education system was “desperately weak” and that “reform is needed, not just of schools and the curriculum, and the training of teachers, but also of our attitude to education, which at present is too narrow and rigid”.
Exam-focused attitude
The common attitude of students, teachers and parents is to focus on passing examinations and earning one or more degrees – not on being a scholar. They encourage a culture of rote learning, with little emphasis on understanding information or being able to apply it.
Behavioural, interpersonal and communication skills are not taught at universities. If a student can learn the answers word for word and repeat them correctly in an exam, then s/he is awarded the highest score or credited with a ‘D’ for distinction. Exam ‘spots’ (two or three sets of possible questions and answers prepared by teachers) are best-sellers during exam season.
This exam-focused system discourages students’ development of analytical thinking and technical skills. Good exam results can be obtained with money and influence. Corruption, favoritism and cheating are common. State-accredited education has lost credibility.
‘Tuition’ culture
University admissions are based on matriculation scores. The highest scorers will go to universities of medicine or technology. To pass an exam, to get higher scores or to obtain Ds, parents send their children to ‘tuition’ classes, where students learn the same curriculum that is taught at school.
Students used to take ‘tuition’ to get favour from their formal (government school) teacher or from an external teacher who runs a paid class; teachers give ‘tuition’ to earn money or to augment their low salaries. ‘Tuition’ is a way of making it easier for students to learn.
From kindergarten to PhD level, ‘tuitions’ are analogous to formal classes. Well-known ‘tuition’ teachers run tutorial-style classes with extra attention paid to individual students (particularly using edutainment programmes), while many distribute notes of lectures to a larger group of students. ‘Tutors’ prepare easy-to-learn short notes (usually with mnemonics) and exam ‘spots’, which are rehearsed by students before entering the final exam.
A ‘tuition’ teacher does not need a degree in education, or to master the art of pedagogy. Any graduate can be a tutor at a self-funded ‘tuition’ class. There are also ‘boarders’, or boarding schools, where a group of pre-university students are boarded in a dormitory after signing a contract with tutors who promise to get them to pass the matriculation exam.
Each student spends 200,000 to 400,000 Kyats (US$200 to US$400) a month – government schools cost less than US$5 a month. There are also job-related ‘tuitions’ for public sector jobs. Recently, many medical doctors have been taking ‘tuition’ for the job selection exam, which paves the way for occupying one of the 1,500 vacant positions at public hospitals.
Students with a strong desire to pass exams with flying colours hire a study ‘guide’ in addition to taking ‘tuitions’. The ‘guide’ is a former student who drills the student through repetitive readings. A ‘guide’ and a student read together on a topic until it is learned off by heart.
Students are under pressure to get results through formal study at school, spoon-fed learning at ‘tuitions’ and parrot-learning with a ‘guide’.
This pressure was increased when Burma’s universities were broken up and moved to the outskirts of cities to prevent students from uniting against the military dictatorship. Campus lives have deteriorated, buildings are unkempt and university grounds full of grazing cows and stray dogs. Students spend an extra two hours a day just getting to campus.
Attitudes must change
Rangoon University was founded in 1878, and it became one of the top universities in Asia during the 1950s. Graduates from its medical college were recognised by the General Medical Council in the UK before 1974.
Under military rule, the tertiary education system went backwards and Burma’s universities are not included in world rankings of universities due to lack of research and library facilities, an imbalance between students and faculty, and assessment based on the final exam.
The Ranking Web of World Universities (Webometrics July 2012) ranked Rangoon’s University of Computer Studies at 12,109; the University of Medicine (1) in Yangon at 15,930; the University of Medicine in Magway at 19,228; and the University of Medicine in Mandalay at 19,606.
Hardly any Burmese universities have their own websites, and no student has a university email account.
To regain the past prestige and glory of our universities, we need to change our attitude to education. Burma’s universities should introduce a skills-based curriculum and affiliate with international universities.
My aspiration is that one of the world-ranking universities (or the Institute of International Education) might build a model university in Burma to coincide with the suspension of European Union and United States sanctions and with the Burmese government’s call for international investment.
* Dr Myint Oo is adjunct assistant professor at Tufts University School of Medicine in the United States.
A maths graduate will not be a mathematician, but may become a trishaw peddler. A history graduate may become a security guard. Many other graduates end up working in non-professional positions like brokers or even doing odd jobs.
In neighbouring countries, Burma’s male graduates generally end up as manual labourers, and women graduates become babysitters or housemaids. Graduates do not have the skills suitable for working in the areas in which they majored at university.
The government has failed to create new jobs, leaving tens of thousands of graduates waiting for years to fill vacant positions in the public sector. More than 6,000 medical graduates are now unemployed in a country with a population of 60 million. The International Monetary Fund estimates Burma’s unemployment rate to be 5.5%, compared to 0.7% in Thailand.
Degree ‘not worth the paper it’s written on’
There is no private university in Burma. Nearly 170 public universities are run by 13 ministries and each minister has his own idea of how to do it. There is no independent university council.
Curricula and learning materials are out of date and are not relevant. Graduates lack the necessary skills to tackle the country’s immediate needs or the long-term social, political and economic problems that have devastated Burma for generations.
If you ask a student “What will you do when you graduate?” you will get answers like, “I will attend an English class” or “I will learn Chinese or a foreign language to get a job” or, more frequently, “I will attend a computer course”. Shockingly, some will say: “I will try to get another degree so I have more letters after my name.”
No matter what the answer is, it is likely that university graduates will not find a skilled job. The country’s educated people scoff at their own degree certificates, often saying they are "not worth the paper they’re written on".
For years, about 25% of Burma’s budget went to the armed forces, compared with 1.3% spent on education.
Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, in her speech at the World Economic Forum, called for investments that create new jobs to avoid youth unemployment. At Oxford University she said the education system was “desperately weak” and that “reform is needed, not just of schools and the curriculum, and the training of teachers, but also of our attitude to education, which at present is too narrow and rigid”.
Exam-focused attitude
The common attitude of students, teachers and parents is to focus on passing examinations and earning one or more degrees – not on being a scholar. They encourage a culture of rote learning, with little emphasis on understanding information or being able to apply it.
Behavioural, interpersonal and communication skills are not taught at universities. If a student can learn the answers word for word and repeat them correctly in an exam, then s/he is awarded the highest score or credited with a ‘D’ for distinction. Exam ‘spots’ (two or three sets of possible questions and answers prepared by teachers) are best-sellers during exam season.
This exam-focused system discourages students’ development of analytical thinking and technical skills. Good exam results can be obtained with money and influence. Corruption, favoritism and cheating are common. State-accredited education has lost credibility.
‘Tuition’ culture
University admissions are based on matriculation scores. The highest scorers will go to universities of medicine or technology. To pass an exam, to get higher scores or to obtain Ds, parents send their children to ‘tuition’ classes, where students learn the same curriculum that is taught at school.
Students used to take ‘tuition’ to get favour from their formal (government school) teacher or from an external teacher who runs a paid class; teachers give ‘tuition’ to earn money or to augment their low salaries. ‘Tuition’ is a way of making it easier for students to learn.
From kindergarten to PhD level, ‘tuitions’ are analogous to formal classes. Well-known ‘tuition’ teachers run tutorial-style classes with extra attention paid to individual students (particularly using edutainment programmes), while many distribute notes of lectures to a larger group of students. ‘Tutors’ prepare easy-to-learn short notes (usually with mnemonics) and exam ‘spots’, which are rehearsed by students before entering the final exam.
A ‘tuition’ teacher does not need a degree in education, or to master the art of pedagogy. Any graduate can be a tutor at a self-funded ‘tuition’ class. There are also ‘boarders’, or boarding schools, where a group of pre-university students are boarded in a dormitory after signing a contract with tutors who promise to get them to pass the matriculation exam.
Each student spends 200,000 to 400,000 Kyats (US$200 to US$400) a month – government schools cost less than US$5 a month. There are also job-related ‘tuitions’ for public sector jobs. Recently, many medical doctors have been taking ‘tuition’ for the job selection exam, which paves the way for occupying one of the 1,500 vacant positions at public hospitals.
Students with a strong desire to pass exams with flying colours hire a study ‘guide’ in addition to taking ‘tuitions’. The ‘guide’ is a former student who drills the student through repetitive readings. A ‘guide’ and a student read together on a topic until it is learned off by heart.
Students are under pressure to get results through formal study at school, spoon-fed learning at ‘tuitions’ and parrot-learning with a ‘guide’.
This pressure was increased when Burma’s universities were broken up and moved to the outskirts of cities to prevent students from uniting against the military dictatorship. Campus lives have deteriorated, buildings are unkempt and university grounds full of grazing cows and stray dogs. Students spend an extra two hours a day just getting to campus.
Attitudes must change
Rangoon University was founded in 1878, and it became one of the top universities in Asia during the 1950s. Graduates from its medical college were recognised by the General Medical Council in the UK before 1974.
Under military rule, the tertiary education system went backwards and Burma’s universities are not included in world rankings of universities due to lack of research and library facilities, an imbalance between students and faculty, and assessment based on the final exam.
The Ranking Web of World Universities (Webometrics July 2012) ranked Rangoon’s University of Computer Studies at 12,109; the University of Medicine (1) in Yangon at 15,930; the University of Medicine in Magway at 19,228; and the University of Medicine in Mandalay at 19,606.
Hardly any Burmese universities have their own websites, and no student has a university email account.
To regain the past prestige and glory of our universities, we need to change our attitude to education. Burma’s universities should introduce a skills-based curriculum and affiliate with international universities.
My aspiration is that one of the world-ranking universities (or the Institute of International Education) might build a model university in Burma to coincide with the suspension of European Union and United States sanctions and with the Burmese government’s call for international investment.
* Dr Myint Oo is adjunct assistant professor at Tufts University School of Medicine in the United States.
Spike in research publications, despite cuts
Business Recorder19 August 2012 Issue No:235
Pakistan's universities have witnessed phenomenal growth in research
publications, which increased by 87% from 2002-11 despite a 40% cut in
Higher Education Commission (HEC) development funds in the past three
years, writes Waqar Lillah for Business Recorder.
Information collected from the HEC last Thursday revealed that Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad had secured first position with 717 research publications, the University of Agriculture Faisalabad was second with 524 publications and Agha Khan University Karachi was third with 521 publications. The number of publications increased from 800 to 6,000 in the same period. However, research publication were 5,000 in 2010.
As a result of the increase in research publications, Pakistan's contribution to the research sector of the world has increased by 300% in the past five years. In Pakistan 90% of the research publications come from higher education institutions.
Full report on the Business Recorder site
Information collected from the HEC last Thursday revealed that Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad had secured first position with 717 research publications, the University of Agriculture Faisalabad was second with 524 publications and Agha Khan University Karachi was third with 521 publications. The number of publications increased from 800 to 6,000 in the same period. However, research publication were 5,000 in 2010.
As a result of the increase in research publications, Pakistan's contribution to the research sector of the world has increased by 300% in the past five years. In Pakistan 90% of the research publications come from higher education institutions.
Full report on the Business Recorder site
Student groups have vital role to play in universities and society
Serhiy Kvit19 August 2012 Issue No:235
To have a complete view of the higher education system in Ukraine, an
account of student movements is essential. Ukraine has a large number of
youth organisations that draw attention to problems in higher
education.
The website of the Ministry of Education and Science lists 88 organisations, but they represent only a small proportion of the real number. Among them are professional, trade union, scout and political groups, as well as various student-led organisations.
Their main feature is that they were established by young people – or launched by those who ‘work with youth’. Therefore, the agenda of these organisations is often formed either by independent volunteers or directly by the government.
What is the ‘voice of universities’?
Active Ukrainian students do not totally understand the different constituencies that universities represent. On 21 July, at the All-Ukrainian Student Forum of Regional Coordinators, I answered this question in the following way: first, universities represent the research body; second, they represent expert knowledge; third, they are official institutions with their own established positions; and finally, they represent student voices.
In some cases, representatives of student movements can participate in the expert knowledge process. They did so when the draft law on higher education was being elaborated.
In a previous blog, I mentioned the report Inclusion of the Ukrainian System of Higher Education in the European Higher Education and Research Area, in which the Ukrainian Association of Students’ Self-Administration was featured.
Ukrainian universities normally dare not speak as public experts on issues that are of interest to the whole society. It is a popular misconception in Ukrainian society that universities have their own expert opinion. It is the state government that speaks for them.
That is why the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and Kyiv Polytechnic Institute were the only higher education institutions participating in the struggle for the new progressive draft law on higher education.
Only a handful of universities protested against the draft law on fundamentals of language policy in Ukraine, which is now being actively promoted in parliament by forces that favour the ruling party. The legislation is aimed at furthering the ‘Russification’ policy, which started in Ukraine more than 300 years ago.
Among the protesting universities were the Ukrainian Catholic University, the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, and the Ostrih Academy. Nevertheless, only the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy is currently working on a deep analysis of the draft law.
Student action should target universities
When higher education institutions are passive, students’ voices sometimes become the voice of Ukrainian universities. Student movements should not just focus on external social transformation. Ukraine’s universities need drastic change themselves. Therefore, student activity should target universities more.
Firstly, they need to focus on democratising the administrative processes, introducing university autonomy and establishing high-quality Ukrainian universities.
The Centre for Society Research says the Ukrainian student movement is the most successful in Europe. In 2011, it documented student participation in 121 public protests in Ukraine. Most of these protests were part of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education, and were aimed at preventing the enactment of the new draft law on higher education initiated by the Ministry of Education and Science in 2010.
The campaign was initiated by the independent student trade union Priama Diya (Direct Action), the public movement Vidsich (Rebuff) and the Foundation of Regional Initiatives.
It is worth mentioning that other youth groups, as well as higher education and school students, their parents and teachers, participated in the actions held in Kyiv and different regions of Ukraine. Among other organisations, the authors of the research mentioned the All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda (Freedom), Opir (Resistance) and the Democratic Alliance.
In 2011-12 the Ukrainian student movement was victorious. In particular, the authoritarian draft law on higher education was stopped, a new working team was organised and the text of the new progressive draft law was elaborated and passed by the Ukrainian government on 25 July.
Students also managed to get most of their social and economic demands met, either by public bodies or by university administrators.
Although the achievements of the student movement are quite considerable, the authors of the research conclude that it is still far from being as strong as European student movements are. European students are better at communicating with other protest groups, their actions are much more radical, and their protest actions engage many more participants.
The victories of Ukrainian students are due to the fragility of the government rather than the strength of a well-organised movement.
The student movement and universities
What keeps a student movement from developing?
At first sight, the cause is obvious: the student movement in general demonstrates a lack of understanding of current Ukrainian social, economic and political realities. As a result, students often forget how important qualitative transformations in their own universities are. In spite of being successful at a national level, they do not have enough rights in universities.
Second, this has a negative impact on university autonomy, because autonomy can only be achieved through common efforts by the whole university community – academics, students and staff.
Third, the student movement often copies Western models without critically analysing them. For example, its representatives tend to connect negative processes in higher education with neo-liberal trends in politics. Ukrainian realities are quite different. Discussions on the ‘disadvantages of liberalism’ are not the most pressing issue in Ukraine now.
The problems of Ukrainian higher education are connected with post-soviet and post-colonial throwbacks such as corruption, fear of real competition at national and global levels, a distorted infrastructure, and the post-colonial narrowness of Ukrainian political leaders, who are not able to understand the importance of science and educational development for the formation of an effective modern state.
Fourth, a Ukrainian university has special importance as a social institute that has a central role in the state reformation process. The student movement neglects the social weight and impact of our universities and is too influenced by ideological factors.
Fifth, these ideological factors misinform the broad student public. For example, critical theory is confused with critical thinking in general. Ukrainian universities are often presented as an objectification of power in a wholly negative way and as an instrument for personal enrichment at students’ cost.
Market mechanisms in post-totalitarian Ukraine should be considered from the liberal position of the concept of the ‘free market of ideas’ and ‘free market’ principles for relations between higher education institutions. This could result in the growth of university quality and competitiveness. Corruption should not be presented as a demon or an invincible evil; instead, it must be eliminated by necessary reforms.
Two revolutions
Young people love talking about revolution. Nevertheless, in Ukraine there is not just one revolution. The first revolution is a social one and is about making the system of government fairer and more effective. The second is a national revolution, focused on the struggle for Ukrainian independence, language and culture.
This kind of division is a huge mistake. A national revolution cannot happen without a social one, and the converse is also true. The success of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education can be explained by the uniting of ‘right’ (Vidsich) and ‘left’ (Priama Diya) organisations.
The provocative draft law on fundamentals of language policy, proposed by the Party of Regions and the communists as parliamentary elections approached, was vigorously opposed by the public movement Vidsich, while Priama Diya was totally indifferent.
However, a properly functioning civil society would not ignore a government’s attempts to discriminate against the Ukrainian language, especially in higher education and research. This issue is of the same importance as social needs in areas such as healthcare. It also resulted in student hunger strikes in Kyiv, which gained media coverage.
Social, economic, national and cultural demands in post-colonial Ukraine should be part of one big movement. By coming together, Ukrainians can help the country emerge from the politics of ‘blackmail’ and from a state that is corrupted by oligarchs, and move it towards a more effective and fairer democratic system.
There is no doubt that student movements will play a really important, maybe even a decisive, role in such change.
* Serhiy Kvit, a prominent commentator on educational issues, has been rector of the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy since 2007. He founded the Kyiv-Mohyla School of Journalism in 2001 and became president of the Media Reform Centre set up to initiate open debate and promote more transparent media and government. He served as chair of the Consortium on University Autonomy from 2005-10. Kvit has published several books and numerous articles. He has a PhD from the Ukrainian Free University in Munich and also holds a doctorate in philology. He was the recipient of a Fulbright scholarship to Ohio University in the US, a Kennan Institute scholarship at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC and a DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service) scholarship at the University of Cologne.
The website of the Ministry of Education and Science lists 88 organisations, but they represent only a small proportion of the real number. Among them are professional, trade union, scout and political groups, as well as various student-led organisations.
Their main feature is that they were established by young people – or launched by those who ‘work with youth’. Therefore, the agenda of these organisations is often formed either by independent volunteers or directly by the government.
What is the ‘voice of universities’?
Active Ukrainian students do not totally understand the different constituencies that universities represent. On 21 July, at the All-Ukrainian Student Forum of Regional Coordinators, I answered this question in the following way: first, universities represent the research body; second, they represent expert knowledge; third, they are official institutions with their own established positions; and finally, they represent student voices.
In some cases, representatives of student movements can participate in the expert knowledge process. They did so when the draft law on higher education was being elaborated.
In a previous blog, I mentioned the report Inclusion of the Ukrainian System of Higher Education in the European Higher Education and Research Area, in which the Ukrainian Association of Students’ Self-Administration was featured.
Ukrainian universities normally dare not speak as public experts on issues that are of interest to the whole society. It is a popular misconception in Ukrainian society that universities have their own expert opinion. It is the state government that speaks for them.
That is why the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and Kyiv Polytechnic Institute were the only higher education institutions participating in the struggle for the new progressive draft law on higher education.
Only a handful of universities protested against the draft law on fundamentals of language policy in Ukraine, which is now being actively promoted in parliament by forces that favour the ruling party. The legislation is aimed at furthering the ‘Russification’ policy, which started in Ukraine more than 300 years ago.
Among the protesting universities were the Ukrainian Catholic University, the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, and the Ostrih Academy. Nevertheless, only the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy is currently working on a deep analysis of the draft law.
Student action should target universities
When higher education institutions are passive, students’ voices sometimes become the voice of Ukrainian universities. Student movements should not just focus on external social transformation. Ukraine’s universities need drastic change themselves. Therefore, student activity should target universities more.
Firstly, they need to focus on democratising the administrative processes, introducing university autonomy and establishing high-quality Ukrainian universities.
The Centre for Society Research says the Ukrainian student movement is the most successful in Europe. In 2011, it documented student participation in 121 public protests in Ukraine. Most of these protests were part of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education, and were aimed at preventing the enactment of the new draft law on higher education initiated by the Ministry of Education and Science in 2010.
The campaign was initiated by the independent student trade union Priama Diya (Direct Action), the public movement Vidsich (Rebuff) and the Foundation of Regional Initiatives.
It is worth mentioning that other youth groups, as well as higher education and school students, their parents and teachers, participated in the actions held in Kyiv and different regions of Ukraine. Among other organisations, the authors of the research mentioned the All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda (Freedom), Opir (Resistance) and the Democratic Alliance.
In 2011-12 the Ukrainian student movement was victorious. In particular, the authoritarian draft law on higher education was stopped, a new working team was organised and the text of the new progressive draft law was elaborated and passed by the Ukrainian government on 25 July.
Students also managed to get most of their social and economic demands met, either by public bodies or by university administrators.
Although the achievements of the student movement are quite considerable, the authors of the research conclude that it is still far from being as strong as European student movements are. European students are better at communicating with other protest groups, their actions are much more radical, and their protest actions engage many more participants.
The victories of Ukrainian students are due to the fragility of the government rather than the strength of a well-organised movement.
The student movement and universities
What keeps a student movement from developing?
At first sight, the cause is obvious: the student movement in general demonstrates a lack of understanding of current Ukrainian social, economic and political realities. As a result, students often forget how important qualitative transformations in their own universities are. In spite of being successful at a national level, they do not have enough rights in universities.
Second, this has a negative impact on university autonomy, because autonomy can only be achieved through common efforts by the whole university community – academics, students and staff.
Third, the student movement often copies Western models without critically analysing them. For example, its representatives tend to connect negative processes in higher education with neo-liberal trends in politics. Ukrainian realities are quite different. Discussions on the ‘disadvantages of liberalism’ are not the most pressing issue in Ukraine now.
The problems of Ukrainian higher education are connected with post-soviet and post-colonial throwbacks such as corruption, fear of real competition at national and global levels, a distorted infrastructure, and the post-colonial narrowness of Ukrainian political leaders, who are not able to understand the importance of science and educational development for the formation of an effective modern state.
Fourth, a Ukrainian university has special importance as a social institute that has a central role in the state reformation process. The student movement neglects the social weight and impact of our universities and is too influenced by ideological factors.
Fifth, these ideological factors misinform the broad student public. For example, critical theory is confused with critical thinking in general. Ukrainian universities are often presented as an objectification of power in a wholly negative way and as an instrument for personal enrichment at students’ cost.
Market mechanisms in post-totalitarian Ukraine should be considered from the liberal position of the concept of the ‘free market of ideas’ and ‘free market’ principles for relations between higher education institutions. This could result in the growth of university quality and competitiveness. Corruption should not be presented as a demon or an invincible evil; instead, it must be eliminated by necessary reforms.
Two revolutions
Young people love talking about revolution. Nevertheless, in Ukraine there is not just one revolution. The first revolution is a social one and is about making the system of government fairer and more effective. The second is a national revolution, focused on the struggle for Ukrainian independence, language and culture.
This kind of division is a huge mistake. A national revolution cannot happen without a social one, and the converse is also true. The success of the Campaign against the Degradation of Higher Education can be explained by the uniting of ‘right’ (Vidsich) and ‘left’ (Priama Diya) organisations.
The provocative draft law on fundamentals of language policy, proposed by the Party of Regions and the communists as parliamentary elections approached, was vigorously opposed by the public movement Vidsich, while Priama Diya was totally indifferent.
However, a properly functioning civil society would not ignore a government’s attempts to discriminate against the Ukrainian language, especially in higher education and research. This issue is of the same importance as social needs in areas such as healthcare. It also resulted in student hunger strikes in Kyiv, which gained media coverage.
Social, economic, national and cultural demands in post-colonial Ukraine should be part of one big movement. By coming together, Ukrainians can help the country emerge from the politics of ‘blackmail’ and from a state that is corrupted by oligarchs, and move it towards a more effective and fairer democratic system.
There is no doubt that student movements will play a really important, maybe even a decisive, role in such change.
* Serhiy Kvit, a prominent commentator on educational issues, has been rector of the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy since 2007. He founded the Kyiv-Mohyla School of Journalism in 2001 and became president of the Media Reform Centre set up to initiate open debate and promote more transparent media and government. He served as chair of the Consortium on University Autonomy from 2005-10. Kvit has published several books and numerous articles. He has a PhD from the Ukrainian Free University in Munich and also holds a doctorate in philology. He was the recipient of a Fulbright scholarship to Ohio University in the US, a Kennan Institute scholarship at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC and a DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service) scholarship at the University of Cologne.
Legal challenge against new higher education law being prepared in Indonesia
Ria Nurdiani19 August 2012 Issue No:235
In the wake of the Indonesian parliament’s hasty passing of a Higher
Education Act last month, several concerned organisations have said they
are planning to submit documents to the Constitutional Court demanding a
judicial review of the new law.
A legal challenge would mean uncertainty over the full implementation of the law, and could make it difficult for foreign higher education providers to plan entry into Indonesia.
The new law regulates the management of universities and accreditation of courses, as well as allowing in foreign education providers under certain conditions.
Constitutional Court Chief Judge Mohammad Mahfud confirmed that moves were under way to seek a judicial review, although none of the organisations had yet gone far enough in their preparations for court dates to be set, as they are still closely studying the act.
However, he said that as the process had already been initiated, the Constitutional Court could not comment on the review. “The answer [to the review process] will be the verdict,” Mahfud was quoted in local media as saying.
A civil society organisation, the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute, said it was preparing a legal challenge that will maintain that the government or the state should be involved in higher education. It has consistently objected to the new law, saying it amounts to the privatisation of higher education.
“This act narrows the involvement of the state in education,” Pratiwi Febri, the institute’s public defender, told University World News.
According to Febri, the government should ensure affordable higher education is available not just for the rich but also for the poor.
She described as “wrong” the system in which students taking the entrance exam for public universities pay into an endowment fund used to support the universities, rather than adequate funds being provided by the government through the national budget.
Concerns of private universities
At the end of July, at a forum of rectors held in Central Java, many university leaders came out in strong support of a legal challenge, with particular concerns over university autonomy and the entry of foreign universities.
Local private universities, in particular, fear competition from foreign universities and the possibility that lecturers could be poached by foreign providers offering better salaries.
The new law states that foreign providers of ‘good quality’ will be allowed accreditation. Foreign providers must be non-profit and can only set up campuses in cooperation with an Indonesian university.
“Our academic team is still assessing each article of the law,” said Sali Iskandar, West Java chief of the Association of Private Universities Agency, a group of foundations that run private higher education institutions.
But he insisted: “Other organisations might hesitate [to proceed with a judicial review], but we won’t. We will continue to submit a judicial review to the Constitutional Court.”
Sali appeared to be referring to the Association of Private Universities, a separate organisation of private university leaders mainly concerned about the academic side of the business. Together with the National Commission of Education, that association has now dropped its plans for a legal challenge.
Secretary-general of the National Commission of Education Andreas Tambah told University World News that his organisation had reviewed the Higher Education Act in detail and had concluded that it was fine.
The commission previously had concerns over foreign institutions being allowed to set their own curriculum and not inculcating ‘Indonesian values’.
Edy Suandi Hamid, head of the Indonesian Private Universities Association, told University World News that the association did not want to request a judicial review so soon after the act had been passed.
“We do not want [to appear] as if we differ from the government,” said Edy, who is rector of the Islamic University of Indonesia, a private institution in Yogyakarta.
In the current tense debate over the act, moves to submit a judicial review are being seen by some as a political measure to oppose the government, rather than as an attempt to improve the law.
Awaiting detailed regulations
The government is currently formulating more detailed regulations under the act, and Edy said he hoped that stakeholders would also be involved in the process, “although there’s been no request from the government [to take part] yet”.
He believed that the government had accommodated various ideas, although not all of them have been approved yet.
If “it turns out that the articles that we considered problematic or not listed in the act are accommodated through the derivative regulation, then our judicial review might not be submitted”.
A legal challenge would mean uncertainty over the full implementation of the law, and could make it difficult for foreign higher education providers to plan entry into Indonesia.
The new law regulates the management of universities and accreditation of courses, as well as allowing in foreign education providers under certain conditions.
Constitutional Court Chief Judge Mohammad Mahfud confirmed that moves were under way to seek a judicial review, although none of the organisations had yet gone far enough in their preparations for court dates to be set, as they are still closely studying the act.
However, he said that as the process had already been initiated, the Constitutional Court could not comment on the review. “The answer [to the review process] will be the verdict,” Mahfud was quoted in local media as saying.
A civil society organisation, the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute, said it was preparing a legal challenge that will maintain that the government or the state should be involved in higher education. It has consistently objected to the new law, saying it amounts to the privatisation of higher education.
“This act narrows the involvement of the state in education,” Pratiwi Febri, the institute’s public defender, told University World News.
According to Febri, the government should ensure affordable higher education is available not just for the rich but also for the poor.
She described as “wrong” the system in which students taking the entrance exam for public universities pay into an endowment fund used to support the universities, rather than adequate funds being provided by the government through the national budget.
Concerns of private universities
At the end of July, at a forum of rectors held in Central Java, many university leaders came out in strong support of a legal challenge, with particular concerns over university autonomy and the entry of foreign universities.
Local private universities, in particular, fear competition from foreign universities and the possibility that lecturers could be poached by foreign providers offering better salaries.
The new law states that foreign providers of ‘good quality’ will be allowed accreditation. Foreign providers must be non-profit and can only set up campuses in cooperation with an Indonesian university.
“Our academic team is still assessing each article of the law,” said Sali Iskandar, West Java chief of the Association of Private Universities Agency, a group of foundations that run private higher education institutions.
But he insisted: “Other organisations might hesitate [to proceed with a judicial review], but we won’t. We will continue to submit a judicial review to the Constitutional Court.”
Sali appeared to be referring to the Association of Private Universities, a separate organisation of private university leaders mainly concerned about the academic side of the business. Together with the National Commission of Education, that association has now dropped its plans for a legal challenge.
Secretary-general of the National Commission of Education Andreas Tambah told University World News that his organisation had reviewed the Higher Education Act in detail and had concluded that it was fine.
The commission previously had concerns over foreign institutions being allowed to set their own curriculum and not inculcating ‘Indonesian values’.
Edy Suandi Hamid, head of the Indonesian Private Universities Association, told University World News that the association did not want to request a judicial review so soon after the act had been passed.
“We do not want [to appear] as if we differ from the government,” said Edy, who is rector of the Islamic University of Indonesia, a private institution in Yogyakarta.
In the current tense debate over the act, moves to submit a judicial review are being seen by some as a political measure to oppose the government, rather than as an attempt to improve the law.
Awaiting detailed regulations
The government is currently formulating more detailed regulations under the act, and Edy said he hoped that stakeholders would also be involved in the process, “although there’s been no request from the government [to take part] yet”.
He believed that the government had accommodated various ideas, although not all of them have been approved yet.
If “it turns out that the articles that we considered problematic or not listed in the act are accommodated through the derivative regulation, then our judicial review might not be submitted”.
Plagiarism controversy raises questions over academic integrity in Thailand
Suluck Lamubol18 August 2012 Issue No:235
Controversy over plagiarism in the PhD thesis of Supachai Lorlowhakarn,
director of Thailand’s National Innovation Agency, or NIA, has
highlighted concerns over academic integrity and a widespread culture of
plagiarism. Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University revoked the PhD – for
the first time in the institution’s history.
On 21 June 2012, after a year-long investigation, the Chulalongkorn University council withdraw Supachai’s PhD in science, in a move that stunned the academic community in Thailand.
In response, Supachai threatened to file a lawsuit against Chulalongkorn’s executive board and the council for abuse of power. He insisted that he had ownership rights to the disputed research used in the PhD, as he was the main author of the work.
The investigation came after Thailand-based agricultural researcher Wyn Ellis claimed that Supachai had plagiarised most of his research, word for word, for his thesis.
According to Ellis, he is the main author and project owner of the disputed research on “Strengthening the Export Capacity of Thailand’s Organic Agriculture”, which was commissioned by the Geneva-based UN International Trade Centre.
The NIA served as counterpart agency with a role of facilitating the technical assistance team”, which was led by Ellis. "NIA and Supachai had no role in the research," Ellis told University World News.
Supachai, however, insisted that Ellis was merely a “translator” of the research. He admitted during a 25 June press conference in Bangkok that he had undertaken “partial research", but said he had formed "new knowledge in the last chapter”.
Ellis told University World News that the original report had been written in English by him and three other members of the UN team, and was later translated into Thai. "ITC informed NIA and Supachai by email several times of its claim of copyright over the report, which is published in ITC’s online library," Ellis claimed
It was "extraordinary" that NIA, as a government agency, should disregard such a claim and republish the same report two years later under the NIA director’s lead authorship, he argued.
After the NIA director’s PhD was awarded in 2007, Ellis filed plagiarism complaints with Chulalongkorn University. In an interview with the investigative news site Thaipublica, Ellis said he had also laid complaints with the Ministry of Science and Technology – where the NIA is based – and with the parliamentary committee on science and technology, but both failed to make progress on investigating.
Chulalongkorn University set up an inquiry into the case in August 2009 and in April 2010 reported that Supachai has committed plagiarism in 80% of the 205-page thesis.
The decision to revoke Supachai’s PhD did not come until much later, after the university set up another committee to probe the facts of the case in 2011. This came after much criticism in the international media over Chulalongkorn’s failure to deal with the Supachai case. The PhD was finally withdrawn in June this year.
Supachai, who maintains his executive position at the NIA, sued Ellis and then Bangkok Post journalist Erika Fry in 2009 for defamation, prompting Fry to flee Thailand.
The case was dismissed, although Supachai recently received a six-month suspended sentence and a 6,000 baht (US$200) fine for criminal forgery in a 2009 case sued by Ellis over changes in his contract with the NIA, as reported by Thailand-based journalist Andrew Drummond on his website.
Ellis told University World News that he had also called for retraction of an academic paper by Supachai and his academic advisers, published in 2008 in the Thai Journal of Agricultural Science, "on grounds of plagiarism and its flawed science".
He alleged that the journal had refused to withdraw the paper without a court order, and had "failed to comply with a ‘Final Notice of Copyright Infringement’ issued by Wageningen Academic Publishers on 20 September last year."
Associate Professor Soraj Hongladarom, a philosophy professor and president of the university’s academic committee, said the decision to revoke Supachai’s doctorate degree was “a step in a right direction”.
“The way students do their papers in primary and secondary schools is really pathetic. Teachers don’t teach their students that cutting and pasting is wrong. Term papers are not for cutting and pasting, but are a place where students can explore thoughts and ideas of their own, on their own,” he told University World News.
“The problem is that it is so widely practised that no one seems to think that it is wrong. Or it is because no one thinks it’s wrong that it is widely practised. Any way, the Thai educational authorities should be doing something to combat this”
On 21 June 2012, after a year-long investigation, the Chulalongkorn University council withdraw Supachai’s PhD in science, in a move that stunned the academic community in Thailand.
In response, Supachai threatened to file a lawsuit against Chulalongkorn’s executive board and the council for abuse of power. He insisted that he had ownership rights to the disputed research used in the PhD, as he was the main author of the work.
The investigation came after Thailand-based agricultural researcher Wyn Ellis claimed that Supachai had plagiarised most of his research, word for word, for his thesis.
According to Ellis, he is the main author and project owner of the disputed research on “Strengthening the Export Capacity of Thailand’s Organic Agriculture”, which was commissioned by the Geneva-based UN International Trade Centre.
The NIA served as counterpart agency with a role of facilitating the technical assistance team”, which was led by Ellis. "NIA and Supachai had no role in the research," Ellis told University World News.
Supachai, however, insisted that Ellis was merely a “translator” of the research. He admitted during a 25 June press conference in Bangkok that he had undertaken “partial research", but said he had formed "new knowledge in the last chapter”.
Ellis told University World News that the original report had been written in English by him and three other members of the UN team, and was later translated into Thai. "ITC informed NIA and Supachai by email several times of its claim of copyright over the report, which is published in ITC’s online library," Ellis claimed
It was "extraordinary" that NIA, as a government agency, should disregard such a claim and republish the same report two years later under the NIA director’s lead authorship, he argued.
After the NIA director’s PhD was awarded in 2007, Ellis filed plagiarism complaints with Chulalongkorn University. In an interview with the investigative news site Thaipublica, Ellis said he had also laid complaints with the Ministry of Science and Technology – where the NIA is based – and with the parliamentary committee on science and technology, but both failed to make progress on investigating.
Chulalongkorn University set up an inquiry into the case in August 2009 and in April 2010 reported that Supachai has committed plagiarism in 80% of the 205-page thesis.
The decision to revoke Supachai’s PhD did not come until much later, after the university set up another committee to probe the facts of the case in 2011. This came after much criticism in the international media over Chulalongkorn’s failure to deal with the Supachai case. The PhD was finally withdrawn in June this year.
Supachai, who maintains his executive position at the NIA, sued Ellis and then Bangkok Post journalist Erika Fry in 2009 for defamation, prompting Fry to flee Thailand.
The case was dismissed, although Supachai recently received a six-month suspended sentence and a 6,000 baht (US$200) fine for criminal forgery in a 2009 case sued by Ellis over changes in his contract with the NIA, as reported by Thailand-based journalist Andrew Drummond on his website.
Ellis told University World News that he had also called for retraction of an academic paper by Supachai and his academic advisers, published in 2008 in the Thai Journal of Agricultural Science, "on grounds of plagiarism and its flawed science".
He alleged that the journal had refused to withdraw the paper without a court order, and had "failed to comply with a ‘Final Notice of Copyright Infringement’ issued by Wageningen Academic Publishers on 20 September last year."
Associate Professor Soraj Hongladarom, a philosophy professor and president of the university’s academic committee, said the decision to revoke Supachai’s doctorate degree was “a step in a right direction”.
He said the university was installing software to tackle plagiarism and other academic misconduct. A more serious problem, however, was a widespread culture of plagiarism in the Thai education system, he said.
“The way students do their papers in primary and secondary schools is really pathetic. Teachers don’t teach their students that cutting and pasting is wrong. Term papers are not for cutting and pasting, but are a place where students can explore thoughts and ideas of their own, on their own,” he told University World News.
“The problem is that it is so widely practised that no one seems to think that it is wrong. Or it is because no one thinks it’s wrong that it is widely practised. Any way, the Thai educational authorities should be doing something to combat this”
Universities propose shorter masters degrees to attract foreign students
John Gerritsen16 August 2012 Issue No:235
New Zealand’s universities want to shorten their masters degrees in a bid to attract more foreign students.
Currently New Zealand masters degrees require 240 credits – equivalent to two years of full-time study, although students who have completed four years of bachelor-level study can do 120-credit masters degrees.
But Universities New Zealand, the body representing vice-chancellors of the country's eight universities, has suggested allowing shorter masters degrees in certain circumstances.
It has proposed 180-credit masters for students who finish their three-year bachelor degree to a high enough standard.
The New Zealand Qualifications Authority is consulting on the proposal and has taken it a step further – suggesting that the 180-credit masters qualification be available for any student with a bachelor degree – not just those who meet a required standard.
The authority says one reason for the change is to attract more international students.
“A key driver for the proposal is to enhance the international competitiveness of New Zealand masters degrees, which are generally longer than in a number of other countries that New Zealand commonly compares itself with, including Australia, the United Kingdom and Canada.”
The authority says the change would also help New Zealand institutions keep up with changes in other countries, particularly with regard to masters degrees based on coursework rather than research.
“Research into the international competitiveness and comparability of the New Zealand masters degree has found the proportion of coursework masters degrees offered at New Zealand universities to be comparatively low, at only 31.2% (Rogers 2008).
“This compares with Australia and the United Kingdom where coursework masters degrees make up more than 95% of the total masters degree programmes offered.”
Nearly 12,000 New Zealand students and more than 2,200 foreign students study masters degrees in New Zealand.
Foreign students generally pay between NZ$22,000 and NZ$30,000 (US$17,750 and US$24,200) a year to study at masters level.
The president of the Tertiary Education Union, Sandra Grey, says the proposal puts money before education.
“It's all about the drive to get international students who want to come into New Zealand and pay for shorter masters degrees not to do the longer thesis component in a masters degree. So the starting point itself has us a little bit wary; it’s not about education, it's about making money for the New Zealand education market.”
The New Zealand Union of Students Associations says the shorter options would save both domestic and foreign students money because they would face a lower ‘opportunity cost’ from being out of the workforce.
But the union says the shorter degrees should not displace the current two-year masters degrees, or the current practice of an honours year that essentially turns three-year bachelor degrees into four-year degrees.
It says students are worried that the shorter degrees will not provide adequate preparation for PhD study.
Education New Zealand is the Crown agency responsible for supporting the export education sector. The chair of its board, Charles Finny, says shorter masters degrees would attract thousands more students to New Zealand.
“We would see strong demand for these courses from markets such as China, India, and Indonesia, and it should see a useful boost to student numbers...We would imagine there would be thousands of new masters students studying in New Zealand,” he said.
The qualifications authority expects that a decision on the matter will be made in late September or in October.
Currently New Zealand masters degrees require 240 credits – equivalent to two years of full-time study, although students who have completed four years of bachelor-level study can do 120-credit masters degrees.
But Universities New Zealand, the body representing vice-chancellors of the country's eight universities, has suggested allowing shorter masters degrees in certain circumstances.
It has proposed 180-credit masters for students who finish their three-year bachelor degree to a high enough standard.
The New Zealand Qualifications Authority is consulting on the proposal and has taken it a step further – suggesting that the 180-credit masters qualification be available for any student with a bachelor degree – not just those who meet a required standard.
The authority says one reason for the change is to attract more international students.
“A key driver for the proposal is to enhance the international competitiveness of New Zealand masters degrees, which are generally longer than in a number of other countries that New Zealand commonly compares itself with, including Australia, the United Kingdom and Canada.”
The authority says the change would also help New Zealand institutions keep up with changes in other countries, particularly with regard to masters degrees based on coursework rather than research.
“Research into the international competitiveness and comparability of the New Zealand masters degree has found the proportion of coursework masters degrees offered at New Zealand universities to be comparatively low, at only 31.2% (Rogers 2008).
“This compares with Australia and the United Kingdom where coursework masters degrees make up more than 95% of the total masters degree programmes offered.”
Nearly 12,000 New Zealand students and more than 2,200 foreign students study masters degrees in New Zealand.
Foreign students generally pay between NZ$22,000 and NZ$30,000 (US$17,750 and US$24,200) a year to study at masters level.
The president of the Tertiary Education Union, Sandra Grey, says the proposal puts money before education.
“It's all about the drive to get international students who want to come into New Zealand and pay for shorter masters degrees not to do the longer thesis component in a masters degree. So the starting point itself has us a little bit wary; it’s not about education, it's about making money for the New Zealand education market.”
The New Zealand Union of Students Associations says the shorter options would save both domestic and foreign students money because they would face a lower ‘opportunity cost’ from being out of the workforce.
But the union says the shorter degrees should not displace the current two-year masters degrees, or the current practice of an honours year that essentially turns three-year bachelor degrees into four-year degrees.
It says students are worried that the shorter degrees will not provide adequate preparation for PhD study.
Education New Zealand is the Crown agency responsible for supporting the export education sector. The chair of its board, Charles Finny, says shorter masters degrees would attract thousands more students to New Zealand.
“We would see strong demand for these courses from markets such as China, India, and Indonesia, and it should see a useful boost to student numbers...We would imagine there would be thousands of new masters students studying in New Zealand,” he said.
The qualifications authority expects that a decision on the matter will be made in late September or in October.
Harvard leads world, China gains ground in 2012 ARWU ranking
David Jobbins16 August 2012 Issue No:235
For the tenth year in a row, Harvard retained its top place in the 2012
Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU) from the Center for
World-Class Universities at Shanghai Jiao Tong University.
But the UK lost its second place behind the US for the number of universities in the Top 500 to China – if universities in Hong Kong and Taiwan are included.
Five Chinese universities appeared for the first time, giving China, Hong Kong and Taiwan an aggregate of 42 universities in the Top 500, ahead of the UK with 38 universities. However, no Chinese university is ranked among the Top 100.
More than 1,200 universities are actually ranked by ARWU every year and the best 500 are published.
Largely because of the ARWU’s methodology, the ranking displays a high degree of stability at the top. The Top 10 universities remain unchanged from 2011: Harvard, Stanford, MIT, Berkeley, Cambridge, Caltech, Princeton, Columbia, Chicago and Oxford.
Lower down the rankings, the University of Tokyo returns to the Top 20 in 20th place, as the leading Asian university.
ETH Zurich (23) is the leading university in continental Europe, followed by Paris-Sud (37) and Pierre and Marie Curie (42) in France.
Technion-Israel Institute of Technology (78) and the Weizmann Institute of Science (93) enter the Top 100 for the first time, to join the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (53).
The University of Western Australia appears (96) in the Top 100 for the first time, bringing the number of Top 100 universities in Australia to five.
With the exception of Cambridge and ETH Zurich, US universities dominate the ARWU listings of best five universities in each ranked field and subject.
The annual global ranking claims to be the most trustworthy of the international league tables. ARWU uses six objective indicators, including the number of alumni and staff with Nobel prizes and Fields medals, and a web of citation data.
ARWU has been presenting the top 500 universities annually since 2003, based on a set of objective indicators and third-party data.
Complete lists and detailed methodologies can be found on the Academic Ranking of World Universities website.
But the UK lost its second place behind the US for the number of universities in the Top 500 to China – if universities in Hong Kong and Taiwan are included.
Five Chinese universities appeared for the first time, giving China, Hong Kong and Taiwan an aggregate of 42 universities in the Top 500, ahead of the UK with 38 universities. However, no Chinese university is ranked among the Top 100.
More than 1,200 universities are actually ranked by ARWU every year and the best 500 are published.
Largely because of the ARWU’s methodology, the ranking displays a high degree of stability at the top. The Top 10 universities remain unchanged from 2011: Harvard, Stanford, MIT, Berkeley, Cambridge, Caltech, Princeton, Columbia, Chicago and Oxford.
Lower down the rankings, the University of Tokyo returns to the Top 20 in 20th place, as the leading Asian university.
ETH Zurich (23) is the leading university in continental Europe, followed by Paris-Sud (37) and Pierre and Marie Curie (42) in France.
Technion-Israel Institute of Technology (78) and the Weizmann Institute of Science (93) enter the Top 100 for the first time, to join the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (53).
The University of Western Australia appears (96) in the Top 100 for the first time, bringing the number of Top 100 universities in Australia to five.
With the exception of Cambridge and ETH Zurich, US universities dominate the ARWU listings of best five universities in each ranked field and subject.
The annual global ranking claims to be the most trustworthy of the international league tables. ARWU uses six objective indicators, including the number of alumni and staff with Nobel prizes and Fields medals, and a web of citation data.
ARWU has been presenting the top 500 universities annually since 2003, based on a set of objective indicators and third-party data.
Complete lists and detailed methodologies can be found on the Academic Ranking of World Universities website.
អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវ កែម ឡី ៖ «សិស្ស៦៧%ឆ្លើយថាបានចំណាយប្រាក់សម្រាប់ការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុប»
ក្រុមជំនាញស្រាវជ្រាវលើដំណើរការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុប កាលពីដើមខែសីហានេះ នឹងបង្ហាញលទ្ធផលស្រាវជ្រាវរបស់ខ្លួននៅថ្ងៃចន្ទស្អែក ព្រមទាំងផ្ញើលទ្ធផលជូនទៅក្រសួងអប់រំនៅចុងសប្តាហ៍ក្រោយ។ លទ្ធផលអង្កេតបានបង្ហាញថា កូនសិស្សប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបចំនួន៦៧%បានឆ្លើយថា ពួកគេបានចំណាយថវិកាសម្រាប់ការប្រឡងនាពេលកន្លងមក។
«កូនសិស្សប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបចំនួន៧៨%បានឆ្លើយថា ពួកគេអាចចម្លងគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមកបាននៅក្នុងថ្នាក់ប្រឡង។ កូនសិស្ស៦៧%បានឆ្លើយថា ពួកគេបានចំណាយប្រាក់សម្រាប់ការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុប»។ ទាំងនេះគឺជាលទ្ធផលអង្កេតរបស់ លោក កែម ឡី អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវសង្គមសេដ្ឋកិច្ចឯករាជ្យដែលបានធ្វើការអង្កេតជុំវិញ ភាពមិនប្រក្រតីលើការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបកាលពីដើមខែសីហាកន្លងមកនេះ។ ការអង្កេតរបស់លោក កែម ឡី បានធ្វើឡើងជាមួយសិស្សប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបចំនួន១៥៤នាក់ ជាមួយសាស្រ្តាចារ្យមួយចំនួនតូចនិងជាមួយមាតាបិតាសិស្សមួយចំនួនផង ដែរ។
លទ្ធផលអង្កេតលើការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបដែលគ្រោងនឹងចេញផ្សាយនៅថ្ងៃចន្ទ ស្អែកនេះ បានបញ្ជាក់ថា កូនសិស្សប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបបានចំណាយប្រាក់ជាមធ្យមចំនួន៣០ដុល្លារ ដើម្បីអាចបើកមើលវិញ្ញាសាព្រាងបាន។ កូនសិស្ស៩២%បានឆ្លើយថា ពួកគេជាអ្នកមានគំនិតផ្តួចផ្តើមប្រមូលប្រាក់ដោយខ្លួនឯងដើម្បីយក ទៅជូនលោកគ្រូអ្នកគ្រូ។ កូនសិស្សបានឆ្លើយថា ការប្រមូលប្រាក់កាសជូនលោកគ្រូអ្នកគ្រូនៅពេលប្រឡងបានក្លាយទៅជា វប្បធម៌ទៅហើយ។
ត្រង់ចំណុចនេះ លោក កែម ឡី អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវសង្គមសេដ្ឋកិច្ចនៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបានសម្តែងក្តី ព្រួយបារម្ភខ្លាចទម្លាប់នេះក្លាយទៅជាវប្បធម៌ដែលពិបាកកែប្រែនា ពេលអនាគត។
របាយការណ៍ដដែលបានលើកឡើងទៀតថា កូនសិស្ស២៥%បានឆ្លើយថា ការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបនាពេលកន្លងមកមិនមានភាពយុត្តិធម៌ទេ ក្នុងខណៈពេលដែលសិស្ស៥០%ផ្សេងទៀតថា មានភាពយុត្តិធម៌។ បើទោះបីជាមានការចោទប្រកាន់ថា មានភាពមិនប្រក្រតីច្រើនយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយជុំវិញការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបនោះ ប៉ុន្តែមន្រ្តីក្រសួងអប់រំតែងតែបដិសេធទៅនឹងការចោទប្រកាន់ទាំង នោះ។
លោក អ៊ឹង ង៉ោហុក ប្រធាននាយកដ្ឋានមធ្យមសិក្សាចំណេះទូទៅ ធ្លាប់បានអះអាងថា ក្រសួងអប់រំបានបូកសរុបការវាយតម្លៃរួចរាល់ហើយ ហើយថាគ្មានបញ្ហាអី្វកើតឡើងទេ។ ម៉្យាងវិញទៀត វាគ្មានផលប៉ះពាល់ដល់ដំណើរការប្រឡងឡើយ។ លោកអះអាងថា ក្រសួងអប់រំបានសន្និដា្ឋនថា ការប្រឡងឆ្នាំនេះអាចទទួលយកបាន។
សូមបញ្ជាក់ថា របាយការណ៍អង្កេតលើការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបនឹងត្រូវគេផ្សព្វផ្សាយជា សាធារណៈចាប់ពីថ្ងៃចន្ទស្អែកនិងផ្ញើជូនក្រសួងអប់រំនៅក្នុង សប្តាហ៍ក្រោយនេះដែរ។
ទោះជាយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ ក៏លោក កែម ឡី បានបញ្ជាក់ទៀតថា ប្រសិនបើគេវាយតម្លៃជារួម ការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបនៅឆ្នាំនេះមានការរឹតបន្តឹងល្អជាងឆ្នាំមុនៗ៕
Wednesday, 15 August 2012
Letter to the editor (Academic Fraud in Cambodia)
- Wednesday, 15 August 2012
- Sam Rany
- Dear LIFT,
Having read your article “On the cheating chain” (LIFT 133, August 1, 2012), I would like to express my sincere appreciation for its intention to tell high school students well as relevant stakeholders in the education sector to have an urgent look at our education system. This includes students themselves as well as parents, teachers, and governmental ministries. It is undeniable that cheating and bribery in exams are still happening at every level of the education system and students think that their behaviour is normal practice.
Consequently, many local and international newspapers have regularly reported controversial and shameful cases of fraud during secondary and high school’s national examinations. How does cheating impact on our educational quality and national reputation? How can we abolish the culture of this negative performance?
Honestly, I was shocked to read the result finding of a recent study assumed that “cheating plagues the educational system” and “discredits degrees earned in the Kingdom”. I totally agree with Mr. Thav Nimoul, a teacher at Dongkor secondary school, who said that cheating will seriously affect our reputation on the international stage because of unqualified fresh graduates. As we know, Cambodia has a firm commitment to compete with other ASEAN state members and to integrate her system into its community in 2015. To achieve this goal, tighter laws on academic fraud should be adopted to prevent this illegal cheating in order to raise the quality of education in this country.
Moreover, teachers and parents should discourage and punish their students and children to make them abandon this habit.
Ultimately, I strongly believe that our government ministries should pay more attention to such matters, and take measures to establish mechanism to prevent and to punish all forms of academic fraud in our education system.
Kind regards,
Sam Rany
ការលើកកម្ពស់តម្លៃសុចរិតភាពក្នុងសម័យប្រឡងគ្រប់ភូមិសិក្សាជាកាតព្វកិច្ចរបស់យើងទាំងអស់គ្នា
- Wednesday, 15 August 2012
- សម រ៉ានី
- លោកការីនិពន្ធ ជាទីគោរពរាប់អាន
តាមការសង្កេត ជាទូទៅ របស់ខ្ញុំ នៅក្នុងអំឡុងសម័យប្រឡង សញ្ញាបត្រមធ្យមសិក្សាទុតិយភូមិ (បាក់ឌុប) ដែលបានប្រពឹត្តទៅ ចាប់ថ្ងៃទី ៦ ដល់ ថ្ងៃទី ៨ ខែសីហាកន្លងទៅនេះមានប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយជាតិ និងអន្តរជាតិមួយចំនួន បានធ្វើការចុះផ្សាយយ៉ាងព្រោងព្រាត អំពីទិដ្ឋភាពទាំងឡាយ នៃការប្រឡង ដែលមានបេក្ខជនចូលរួមប្រឡងទូទាំងប្រទេស សរុបទាំងអស់ ចំនួន ១១៤.៤១៤ នាក់ ។
ជាការកត់សម្គាល់ ថ្វីបើមានប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយខ្លះ បានសាទរអំពីដំណើរការប្រឡងនេះថា មានលក្ខណៈត្រឹមត្រូវ តម្លាភាព និងមានដំណើរការល្អ បើប្រៀបធៀបទៅនឹងបណ្តាឆ្នាំមុនៗក៏ដោយ ក៏មានប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយខ្លះ បានរាយការណ៍អំពីភាពមិនប្រក្រតីទាំងឡាយដូចជា ភាពអនាធិបតេយ្យ ក្នុងការលួចបើកចម្លងគ្រប់រូបភាព អំពើពុករលួយ ការបែកធ្លាយវិញ្ញាសាជាដើម។ ជាពិសេស នៅក្នុងសារព័ត៌មានរបស់លោកក្រោមចំណងជើងថា «សមាគមគ្រូបង្រៀនចេញសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍រិះគន់ការប្រឡងបាក់ ឌុប» ច្បាប់ចេញផ្សាយថ្ងៃទី ៩ ខែសីហា ឆ្នាំ ២០១២។ ដូចគ្នានេះដែរ នៅក្នុងកម្មវិធីសមធម៌ ភាគទី ៥៧ របស់ទូរទស្សន៍ជាតិកម្ពុជា បានរកឃើញថា «ការលួចចម្លងក្នុងពេលប្រឡង គឺជារោគពិសនៃប្រព័ន្ធអប់រំ។ វាបានធ្វើឲ្យបាត់បង់នូវគុណតម្លៃ នៃសញ្ញាបត្ររបស់ប្រទេស»។ ជាការពិត ព័ត៌មានទាំងនេះ អាចជះឥទ្ធិពលអវិជ្ជមាន ដែលធ្វើឲ្យប៉ះពាល់យ៉ាងធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ ដល់គុណភាពអប់រំ និងកិត្តិសព្ទរបស់ប្រទេសជាតិយើងនៅលើឆាកអន្តរជាតិ។ ដូច្នេះហើយ ទើបមានសាធារណជនជាច្រើន មានការងឿងឆ្ងល់ និងមានការរិះគន់ ទាក់ទងនឹងបញ្ហាសុចរិតភាព ក្នុងការប្រឡងនានា នៅកម្ពុជា។
ហេតុអ្វីបានជាការប្រឡង មានសភាពធូររលុង និងមានសភាពមិនប្រក្រតីទាំងឡាយកើតឡើង? តើយើងទាំងអស់គ្នាត្រូវធ្វើឲ្យមានយន្តការអ្វីខ្លះ ក្នុងការលុបបំបាត់ភាពមិនប្រក្រតីទាំងនេះ? តើយើងទាំងអស់គ្នា គួរចូលរួមចំណែកលើកស្ទួយតម្លៃសុចរិតភាព ក្នុងសម័យប្រឡងនេះយ៉ាងដូចម្តេចខ្លះ? តើតួអង្គណាខ្លះ អាចចូលរួមចំណែកក្នុងការលើកស្ទួយតម្លៃសុចរិតភាពនេះបាន?
មុន នឹងឆ្លើយសំណួរទាំងនេះ យើងត្រូវស្វែងយល់ អំពីស្ថានភាព នៃប្រព័ន្ធអប់រំក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជាជាមុនសិន។ យើងទាំងអស់គ្នា ទទួលស្គាល់ថា រយៈពេលប៉ុន្មានឆ្នាំចុងក្រោយនេះ វិស័យសិក្សាធិការ កម្រិតមធ្យមសិក្សានៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា ត្រូវបានគេមើលឃើញថាមានការរីកចម្រើនគួរជាទីមោទនភាព ក្រោមការដឹកនាំដ៏ឈ្លាសវៃរបស់សម្តេចនាយករដ្ឋមន្រី្តហ៊ុន សែន ជាប្រមុខរដ្ឋាភិបាល និងឯកឧត្តម អ៊ឹម សិទ្ធី ជារដ្ឋមន្រ្តីក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជន និងកីឡា។
រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល កម្ពុជា បានអនុវត្តនូវនយោបាយអប់រំជាច្រើន ដូចជា ផែនការយុទ្ធសាស្រ្តអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ជាតិបច្ចុប្បន្នកម្ម ឆ្នាំ ២០០៩- ២០១៣ ផែនការយុទ្ធសាស្រ្តវិស័យអប់រំ ឆ្នាំ ២០០៩ -២០១៣ ព្រមទាំងយុទ្ធសាស្រ្តចតុកោណ ដំណាក់កាលទីពីរ ក្នុងគោលបំណងសម្រេចឲ្យបានតាមគោលដៅអភិវឌ្ឍន៍សហស្សវត្សរ៍ កម្ពុជា និងផែនការជាតិអប់រំសម្រាប់ទាំងអស់គ្នា។ ជាលទ្ធផល ចំនួនគ្រឹះស្ថានអប់រំ និងចំនួនសិស្សានុសិស្សបានកើនឡើងជារៀងរាល់ឆ្នាំ។ ឧទាហរណ៍ ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាយើងបច្ចុប្បន្នមានអនុវិទ្យាល័យសរុបចំនួន ១១៦៩ និង មានវិទ្យាល័យចំនួន ៤២៦ ក្នុងនោះវិទ្យាល័យចាប់ពីថ្នាក់ទី ១០ ដល់ទី ១២ មានចំនួន ២៥ ។ ចំណែកឯសិស្សមធ្យមសិក្សាបឋមភូមិ មានចំនួនសរុប ៥៤១.១៤៧ នាក់ និងសិស្សមធ្យមសិក្សាទុតិយភូមិមានចំនួនសរុប ៣១៨.១៦៥ នាក់ នេះបើយោងតាមរបាយការណ៍ របស់ក្រសួងអប់រំយុវជននិងកីឡាឆ្នាំ ២០១២ នេះ។
ទោះបីជាចំនួននេះ កើនឡើងយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ ក៏ត្រូវបានគេមើលឃើញថាចំនួនធនធានមនុស្សរបស់យើងនៅមានកម្រិត ទាប បើប្រៀបធៀបជាមួយបណ្តាប្រទេសជាសមាជិកអាស៊ានទាំងអស់។
យោង តាមរបាយការណ៍អភិវឌ្ឍន៍ធនធានមនុស្សរបស់កម្មវិធីអភិវឌ្ឍន៍នៃ អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិឆ្នាំ ២០១១ បានបង្ហាញថា ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា បានជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ១៣៩ ក្នុងចំណោមប្រទេសចំនួន ១៨៧ នៅលើពិភពលោក (ជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ ៩ ក្នុងចំណោមប្រទេសសមាជិកអាស៊ានទាំង ១០) ខណៈពេលដែលបណ្តាប្រទេសសមាជិកអាស៊ានដទៃទៀត ដូចជាប្រទេសសិង្ហបុរីជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ ២៦ ប្រទេសប្រ៊ុយណេ ជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ ៣៣ ប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ី ជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ ៦១ ប្រទេសថៃ ជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ ១០៣ ប្រទេសឥណ្ឌូណេស៊ី ជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ ១២៤ ប្រទេសវៀតណាមជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ ១២៨ ប្រទេសឡាវជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ ១៣៨ និងប្រទេសភូមា ជាប់ចំណាត់ថ្នាក់លេខ ១៤៩។ ដោយសារតែ ចំនួនធនធានមនុស្សរបស់យើង នៅមានអត្រាទាបជាងបណ្តាប្រទេសនៅក្នុងតំបន់ ទើបរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជាយើង មានគោលនយោបាយ និងយុទ្ធសាស្រ្ត ក្នុងការបង្កើនបរិមាណធនធានមនុស្ស ដើម្បីធ្វើសមាហរណកម្មសេដ្ឋកិច្ច ចូលក្នុងសហគមន៍អាស៊ាននាឆ្នាំ២០១៥ ខាងមុខនេះ។ អ្នកជំនាញខាងអប់រំបានផ្តល់អនុសាសន៍ថា ការបណ្តុះបណ្តាលធនធានមនុស្ស ត្រូវធ្វើយ៉ាងណា ឲ្យមានតុល្យភាពរវាង បរិមាណនិង គុណភាព។ ជាងនេះទៅទៀត យុទ្ធសាស្រ្តនេះ បានជួយជំរុញឲ្យសិស្សានុសិស្ស មានឱកាសកាន់តែច្រើន ក្នុងការបន្តការសិក្សាថ្នាក់មធ្យមសិក្សា និងឧត្តមសិក្សា ស្របតាមរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញនៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជាត្រង់មាត្រា ៦៨ បានចែងថា«រដ្ឋផ្តល់កិច្ចការអប់រំផ្នែកបឋម និងមធ្យមសិក្សានៅសាលារៀនសាធារណៈ សម្រាប់ពលរដ្ឋគ្រប់រូបដោយឥតបង់ថ្លៃ។ ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋត្រូវបានទទួលការអប់រំយ៉ាងតិច ៩ ឆ្នាំ»។
នៅ ក្នុងលិខិតនេះ ខ្ញុំគ្រាន់តែលើកយកទស្សនៈផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន ដែលជាការចូលរួមចំណែកបន្តិចបន្តួច ក្នុងការលុបបំបាត់ការលួចចម្លង ក្នុងពេលប្រឡង និងចូលរួមលើកស្ទួយតម្លៃសុចរិតភាព ក្នុងការប្រឡងមធ្យមសិក្សាទុតិយភូមិថ្នាក់ជាតិតែប៉ុណ្តោះ។ ដូច្នេះ តួអង្គសំខាន់ៗ ដែលអាចចូលរួមចំណែកក្នុងការលើកស្ទួយតម្លៃសុចរិតភាព ក្នុងសម័យប្រឡងរួមមាន ក្រសួងស្ថាប័នដែលជាប់ពាក់ព័ន្ធ សិស្សានុសិស្សខ្លួនឯង លោកគ្រូអ្នកគ្រូ និងអាណាព្យាបាលសិស្សានុសិស្ស។ ពួកគេត្រូវមានករណីយកិច្ចដូចតទៅ៖
១. ក្រសួងស្ថាប័នដែលជាប់ពាក់ព័ន្ធ រួមមានក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជននិងកីឡា និងអាជ្ញាធរមានសមត្ថកិច្ចដទៃទៀត ត្រូវខិតខំប្រឹងប្រែងបន្ថែមទៀត ក្នុងការអនុវត្តនូវយន្តការ និងបទប្បញ្ញត្តិនានា ឲ្យមានប្រសិទ្ធភាពខ្ពស់ដើម្បីឲ្យដំណើរការប្រឡង មានលក្ខណៈតម្លាភាព ចៀសវាងនូវភាពមិនប្រក្រតីទាំងឡាយ ដែលប៉ះពាល់ដល់គុណភាព នៃលទ្ធផលប្រឡង។ ក្រសួងអប់រំ ត្រូវមានវិធានការផ្លូវច្បាប់ និងទណ្ឌកម្មធ្ងន់ធ្ងរជាក់ស្តែងទៅបុគ្គលិករបស់ខ្លួន ឬជនទាំងឡាយណា ដែលបានរំលោភបទប្បញ្ញត្តិទាំងឡាយដែលខ្លួនបានចែង។ ឧទាហរណ៍ដូចជាបេក្ខជនណា ធ្វើជាមេខ្លោងប្រមូលលុយ ឬណែនាំបេក្ខជនដទៃឲ្យប្រមូលលុយ ឬយកលុយទៅឲ្យអនុរក្សនឹងត្រូវឲ្យធ្លាក់ជាស័្វយប្រវត្តិ និងផ្អាកមិនឲ្យប្រឡងរយៈពេល ១ ឆ្នាំ។ បេក្ខជនលួចចម្លងចម្លើយ ពីឯកសារព្រាង នឹងត្រូវទទួលបានពិន្ទុសូន្យ ហើយត្រូវបញ្ឈប់មិនឲ្យប្រឡងបន្តទៀត នៅក្នុងសម័យប្រឡងនេះតែម្តង។ បេក្ខជនណាប្រើប្រាស់ទូរស័ព្ទ នៅក្នុងបន្ទប់ប្រឡង នឹងត្រូវឲ្យធ្លាក់ជាស័្វយប្រវត្តិ និងផ្អាកមិនឲ្យចូលរួមប្រឡងរយៈពេល២ឆ្នាំ។ ការដាក់ទណ្ឌកម្មគឺជាមធ្យោបាយមួយ ដ៏មានប្រសិទ្ធភាព ក្នុងការទប់ស្កាត់ភាពមិនប្រក្រតីទាំងឡាយ ដែលអាចកើតមានឡើងនៅក្នុងសម័យប្រឡងនៃឆ្នាំនីមួយៗ។
២. សិស្សានុសិស្ស ត្រូវលះបង់នូវគំនិតទុទិ្ទដ្ឋិនិយម និងទម្លាប់មិនល្អទាំងឡាយ ក្នុងការលួចបើកចម្លងរាល់ពេលប្រឡងម្តងៗ។ ពួកគេត្រូវមានគំនិតសុចរិតក្នុងការសិក្សា និងខិតខំប្រឹងប្រែងរៀនសូត្រឲ្យអស់ពីសមត្ថភាព និងត្រូវមានស្មារតីចងចាំជានិច្ចថា ចំណេះដឹងរបស់ពួកគេ នៅថ្នាក់មធ្យមសិក្សា ជាមូលដ្ឋានគ្រឹះដ៏រឹងមាំ សម្រាប់ជួយពួកគេ ក្នុងការបន្តការសិក្សានៅថ្នាក់ឧត្តមសិក្សា។ គុណភាពនៃចំណេះដឹង របស់ពួកគេពិតជាធនធានដ៏មានតម្លៃ សម្រាប់ចូលរួមចំណែកកសាងប្រទេសជាតិនាពេលអនាគត។
៣. លោកគ្រូអ្នកគ្រូ ត្រូវមានកាតព្វកិច្ចបណ្តុះឆន្ទៈសិស្សានុសិស្សរបស់ខ្លួនឲ្យមាន ក្រមសីលធម៌ខ្ពស់ ក្នុងការសិក្សារបស់ពួកគេ។ ពួកគេត្រូវលើកទឹកចិត្តឲ្យសិស្សានុសិស្ស ខិតខំប្រឹងប្រែងរៀនសូត្ររៀងៗខ្លួន តាមរយៈការប្រកួតប្រជែងក្នុងថ្នាក់ប្រកបដោយសុចរិតភាព និងតម្លាភាព។ លោកគ្រូ អ្នកគ្រូ ត្រូវដាក់ទណ្ឌកម្មដល់សិស្សរបស់ខ្លួន ក្នុងករណីដែលពួកគេលួចបើកចម្លងឯកសារ ក្នុងពេលប្រឡងក្នុងថ្នាក់។ លើសពីនេះទៅទៀត លោកគ្រូ អ្នកគ្រូ ត្រូវអនុវត្តឲ្យបានខ្ជាប់ខ្ជួននូវក្រមសីលធម៌វិជ្ជាជីវៈគ្រូ បង្រៀន ដែលអាចធ្វើជាគំរូដ៏ប្រពៃដល់ពួកគេ។
៤. អាណាព្យាបាល ត្រូវលើកទឹកចិត្ត និងប្រៀនប្រដៅបុត្រធីតារបស់ខ្លួនឲ្យខិតខំរៀនសូត្រ ព្រមទាំងត្រូវតាមដានជាប្រចាំអំពីស្ថានភាពនៃការសិក្សារបស់ពួក គេ។ អាណាព្យាបាល មិនត្រូវលើកទឹកចិត្ត ឬគាំទ្របុត្រធីតារបស់ខ្លួន ក្នុងការប្រពឹត្តអំពើមិនគប្បីទាំងឡាយ ក្នុងការប្រឡងដូចជា ការលួចបើកចម្លងឯកសារ ការសូកប៉ាន់គ្រូ ក្នុងការប្រឡងជាដើម។ អាណាព្យាបាល ក៏ត្រូវដាក់ទណ្ឌកម្មដល់ពួកគេផងដែរ ក្នុងករណីដែលពួកគេប្រពឹត្តអំពើខុសឆ្គង ក្នុងទង្វើដូចបានរៀបរាប់ខាងលើនេះ។
សរុបសេចក្តីមក យើងទាំងអស់គ្នា ជាប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរ យើងត្រូវមានកាតព្វកិច្ចចូលរួមចំណែកយ៉ាងសកម្ម ក្នុងការលើកស្ទួយតម្លៃសុចរិតភាព ក្នុងការប្រឡងគ្រប់ភូមិសិក្សា ជាពិសេសការប្រឡងថ្នាក់មធ្យមសិក្សាទុតិយភូមិនេះ។ យើងទាំងអស់គ្នា មានសុទិដ្ឋិនិយមជានិច្ចថា ប្រសិនបើសិស្សានុសិស្សរបស់យើងមានស្មារតីសុចរិតភាពក្នុងការសិក្សា រៀនសូត្រប្រកបទៅដោយទំនួលខុសត្រូវខ្ពស់ ពួកគេនឹងក្លាយជាធនធានមនុស្សប្រកបដោយ គុណតម្លៃសម្រាប់ស្ថាបនាមាតុភូមិដ៏បវររបស់យើង ឲ្យបានរុងរឿងដូចអារ្យប្រទេសនានានៅលើពិភពលោក នាពេលអនាគតដ៏ខ្លីខាងមុខនេះ។
ដោយ សម រ៉ានី ជាបេក្ខជនបណ្ឌិតនៃសាកលវិទ្យាល័យវិទ្យាសាស្រ្តម៉ាឡេស៊ី(USM) សូមចូលរួមផ្តល់យោបល់តាមរយៈ៖ sam_rany@yahoo.com
Saturday, 11 August 2012
Cambodia's medical care lacks international standards
- Friday, 10 August 2012
- Princess Soma Norodom
- Last Sunday I was invited by the US Embassy to tour the USNS Mercy,
which arrived in Cambodia, in Sihanoukville, the final stop for the
ship’s Pacific Partnership 2012 tour.
Mission Pacific Partnership is the largest annual humanitarian and civic assistance mission in the Asia Pacific Region.The host nations for the Pacific Partnership 2012 include Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Cambodia, and the mission provides civil assistance projects (CAP) in the areas of medical, dental, veterinary and civil engineering services.
The US joint military services, interagency and civilian maritime personnel were joined this year in Cambodia by the partner nations of Australia, Canada, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, the Netherlands, Peru and the Philippines.
This five-month mission started in May in San Diego, California, and has a staff of 1,200 US Navy medical personnel and 70 civil service mariners, focusing on the ultimate goal of being prepared to respond together in natural disasters and crisis situations.
The USNS Mercy (T-AH 19) is a medical treatment facility capable of performing surgeries on board, and with four X-ray machines and a CT scan unit on board, some of the medical treatments performed included hernias, cataracts and burns.
I trust the medical professionals on the USNS Mercy, but if I had to have surgery in Cambodia, I would think twice about it. The medical services and hospitals in Cambodia do not meet international standards and lack hands-on training of advanced practical applications by medical professionals.
Many living in Cambodia seek medical treatment and surgery in other countries like Vietnam, Thailand, and if you have money, Singapore is the destination.
It has been alleged that many of the doctors in Cambodia attend medical school and purchase their degrees, without having to intern and study for at least a minimum of 10 years in medical school.
There are some who study overseas in the US, France, Japan and Australia and come back to Cambodia to help in this much needed field, but most practice medicine in other countries.
Because of the corruption in Cambodia, many do not trust the medical professionals as well-trained physicians, and even seek medical advice in the neighbouring countries.
Medical care in Cambodia affects each and every one of us. Start by paying the doctors a higher salary, as they have to find other work to meet their financial needs.
Being a doctor is a profession, not a job which anybody can apply for. With more than one job, doctors will most likely stress out and as a result, the patients end up paying for their negative attitudes and lack of care.
In addition, Cambodian doctors should be trained by foreign medical professionals, and not just in practical applications, but medical ethics, an important element as a profession in helping people. Doctors should treat all patients equally, and not treat the poor with bad service and treat the rich with kindness and care.
It will take time for Cambodia to get to international standards in the medical profession, but in the meantime, doctors should be a little more understanding and show empathy to their patients. As another suggestion, a tour of the USNS Mercy can be a starting point for doctors training in Cambodia.
The Social Agenda with Soma Norodom
The views expressed above are solely the author’s and do not reflect any positions taken by The Phnom Penh Post.
កម្មវិធីបំណិនជីវិតដើរតួនាទីយ៉ាងសំខាន់ក្នុងការប្រមូលកុមារចូលរៀន
- Friday, 10 August 2012
- សេត គឹមសឿន
- កំពង់ចាមៈ
ដោយចាប់ផ្តើមគម្រោងកម្មវិធីបំណិនជីវិតនៅក្នុងឆ្នាំ២០០៩
ស្របតាមការអភិវឌ្ឍគោលនយោបាយបំណិនជីវិតរបស់ក្រសួងអប់រំនៅឆ្នាំ
២០០៦ នៅពេលនេះកម្មវិធីបំណិនជីវិត
ដែលទទួលជំនួយឧបត្ថម្ភសប្បុរសធម៌ពីពលរដ្ឋអាមេរិកតាមរយៈទីភ្នាក់
ងារសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកដើម្បីការអភិវឌ្ឍអន្តរជាតិ(USAID)
បានដើរតួនាទីយ៉ាងសំខាន់នៅក្នុងការជំរុញឲ្យការប្រមូលកុមារចូល
រៀននៅកម្ពុជាសម្រេចក្នុងលទ្ធផលល្អ។
លោក ចាន់ ណារិន អនុប្រធានគម្រោងកែលម្អអប់រំមូលដ្ឋានកម្រិតមូលដ្ឋាននៅកម្ពុជា បានឲ្យដឹងថា គម្រោងកែលម្អអប់រំកម្រិតមូលដ្ឋាននៅកម្ពុជា បានទទួលការឧបត្ថម្ភពីសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ដោយចាប់ផ្តើមនៅក្នុងឆ្នាំ២០០៩ ផ្តោតលើសិស្សចាប់ពីថ្នាក់ទី១ ដល់ថ្នាក់ទី៩ និងត្រូវបញ្ចប់វិញនៅក្នុងឆ្នាំ២០១៤ ដោយប្រើប្រាក់គម្រោងប្រមាណចំនួន១០លានដុល្លារសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក។ លោកបានបន្តថា គម្រោងនេះត្រូវបានធ្វើឡើងនៅក្នុងខេត្តចំនួន៣ គឺខេត្តកំពង់ចាម ក្រចេះ និងខេត្តសៀមរាប ដើម្បីបង្កភាពងាយស្រួលធ្វើយ៉ាងណាឲ្យកុមារទាំងអស់បានចូលរៀន តាមគោលនយោបាយក្រសួងអប់រំដែលដាក់ថាប្រជាពលរដ្ឋទាំងអស់ត្រូវ រៀនឲ្យចប់ត្រឹមថ្នាក់ទី៩ និងត្រូវឲ្យពួកគេទទួលបានគុណភាពនៃការអប់រំកាន់តែប្រសើរ។
លោក បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា៖«គម្រោងនេះដើម្បីជួយជំរុញវិស័យអប់រំនៅ កម្ពុជាធ្វើយ៉ាងណាឲ្យ មានការអភិវឌ្ឍឲ្យបានឆាប់រហ័ស ជាក់ស្តែងអ្វីដែលសំខាន់បំផុតនោះគឺគម្រោងបំណិនជីវិត ដោយផ្តោតសំខាន់លើថ្នាក់បឋម និងមធ្យមសិក្សា ដែលកម្មវិធីនេះបានផ្តល់លទ្ធភាពឲ្យកូនសិស្សចេះចំណេះដឹងទូទៅផង និងចេះបំណិនជីវិតផង ដូចជានៅពេលកំពុងរៀនពួកគេអាចចេះជំនាញកុំព្យូទ័រ កាត់ដេរ កាត់សក់ ជួសជុលកង់-ម៉ូតូ ការចិញ្ចឹមមាន់ត្រី ដាំបន្លែ បណ្តុះផ្សិត និងធ្វើម្ហូបជាដើម»។
បំណិនជីវិតត្រូវបានកំណត់ថាជា បំណិនបញ្ញា បុគ្គលិកលក្ខណៈ អន្តរបុគ្គល និងវិជ្ជាជីវៈ ដែលអាចជួយដល់ការធ្វើការសម្រេចចិត្ត ការធ្វើទំនាក់ទំនងប្រកបដោយប្រសិទ្ធភាព ដោយអាចដោះស្រាយ និងគ្រប់គ្រងខ្លួនឯងបាន។ គឺជាបំណិនដែលរួមចំណែកក្នុងការលើកស្ទួយសុខុមាលភាព និងជីវិតប្រចាំថ្ងៃប្រកបដោយផលិតភាព។ មានការបែងចែកបំណិនជីវិតជា៣ប្រភេទដោយយោងតាមការកំណត់រួមគ្នា ជាមួយបុគ្គលិកមកពីនាយកដ្ឋានជាច្រើន និងដៃគូផ្សេងៗទៀត។ បំណិនជីវិតទាំងនោះរួមមាន បញ្ហាសង្គមដែលមាននៅក្នុងមូលដ្ឋាន ការសិក្សាអំពីអាជីវកម្ម សេដ្ឋកិច្ចការងារ និងបំណិនអាជីពងាយៗ។
ជា ទូទៅប្រធានបទអំពី បញ្ហាសង្គមដែលមាននៅក្នុងមូលដ្ឋាន គឺពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងបរិបទខ្លឹមសារផ្សេងៗគ្នា ដើម្បីអភិវឌ្ឍបំណិន និងចំណេះដឹងផ្ទាល់ខ្លួនលើប្រធានបទដែលទាក់ទងនឹងវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រ សង្គម ប៉ុន្តែវាពាក់ព័ន្ធយ៉ាងជិតស្និទ្ធទៅនឹងជីវិតប្រចាំថ្ងៃរបស់ សិស្ស។ ប្រធានបទទាក់ទងនឹង អាជីវកម្ម និងសេដ្ឋកិច្ច មានគោលបំណងបណ្តុះបំណិនគ្រប់គ្រងខ្លួនឯងដែលចាំបាច់នៅក្នុង សង្គមកម្ពុជា ខណៈដែលបំណិន អាជីពងាយ មានគោលបំណងផ្តល់នូវបំណិនបុរេវិជ្ជាជីវៈដល់សិស្ស និងគ្រួសាររបស់ពួកគេ។
តាមរយៈរបាយការណ៍ក្រសួង និងអង្គការជាតិ និងអន្តរជាតិនានាបានឲ្យដឹងថា បញ្ហាការចូលរៀនរបស់កុមារ និងការបោះបង់សាលារៀននៅតែជាក្តីកង្វល់។ ប៉ុន្តែតាមរយៈការអនុវត្តលើគម្រោងកែលម្អអប់រំកម្រិតមូលដ្ឋាននៅ កម្ពុជា ពិសេសកម្មវិធីបំណិនជីវិតនៅក្នុងខេត្តចំនួន៣បានឲ្យដឹងថា គម្រោងទទួលបានជោគជ័យ៩០ភាគរយ។
លោក ហ៊ិន ស៊ីនហួន ប្រធានអង្គការ Kape ដែលមានការិយាល័យធំនៅខេត្តកំពង់ចាម បានឲ្យដឹងថា នៅក្នុងខេត្តកំពង់ចាមជាខេត្តមួយដែលមានប្រជាជនច្រើន ហើយបញ្ហាពលកម្មលើកុមារនៅតាមបណ្តាស្រុកមួយចំនួនក៏មានច្រើនដែរ ក្នុងនោះមានពលកម្មក្នុងចំការកៅស៊ូ ចំការដំឡូង រោងចក្រ និងចំការថ្នាំជាដើម។ បញ្ហាទាំងនោះជាការដាក់គម្លាតឲ្យកុមារស្ថិតនៅឆ្ងាយពីការសិក្សា ។
លោក មានប្រសាសន៍ថា៖ «បញ្ហាគ្រួសារធ្វើឲ្យកុមារមួយចំនួនមានវ័យកាន់តែធំ នឹងត្រូវគេអូសទាញទៅប្រើកម្លាំងដើម្បីរកប្រាក់»។ លោកបានបន្តថា៖«ការអូសទាញ[ត្រឡប់មករៀនវិញ]ពួកយើងពិតជាជួបការ លំបាក តែយើងធ្វើជាប្រព័ន្ធដោយសហការជាមួយភូមិឃុំ ដើម្បីផ្សព្វផ្សាយរឿងនេះ។ តែដើម្បីឆ្លើយតបនឹងបញ្ហាពិបាកខ្លាំង គឺយើងនឹងមានការផ្តល់អាហារូបករណ៍ និងការឧបត្ថម្ភជាអាហារពេលព្រឹកជាដើម»។
លោក បានបញ្ជាក់ថា៖ «ក្រោយពេលយើងរៀបចំការផ្តល់អាហារូបករណ៍ និងអនុវត្តកម្មវិធីបំណិនជីវិតធ្វើឲ្យយើងអាចកាត់បន្ថយការបោះ បង់ការសិក្សាបានច្រើន ហើយយើងអាចប្រមូលកុមារឲ្យចូលរៀនបានប្រមាណ៩០ភាគរយ»។
គួរ បញ្ជាក់ថា ដើម្បីជំរុញឲ្យការប្រមូលកុមារចូលរៀនបានទាំងអស់គ្នា គម្រោងកែលម្អអប់រំមូលដ្ឋានកម្រិតមូលដ្ឋាននៅកម្ពុជា បានផ្តល់អាហារូបករណ៍ និងបណ្តុះបណ្តាលដល់គ្រូដែលស្ថិតក្នុងតំបន់ដាច់ស្រយាលបានចំនួន ៣៦០នាក់ និងបានចងក្រងឯកសារបំណិនជីវិតចំនួន៣០មុខវិជ្ជា៕
ពន្លឺមួយក្នុងភាពងងឹតសូន្យសុងនៃបញ្ហាព្រំដែន
ការបកស្រាយរយៈពេលជាង៥ម៉ោងរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន អំពីដំណើរការបោះបង្គោលព្រំដែនជាមួយប្រទេសវៀតណាមកាលពីថ្ងៃ ព្រហស្បតិ៍គឺជាពន្លឺមួយនៅក្នុងពិភពងងឹតសូន្យសុង អំពីបញ្ហាព្រំដែន។ ទោះបីជាការបកស្រាយនេះមិនបានធ្វើឲ្យបក្សប្រឆាំង និងអ្នកតាមដានបញ្ហាព្រំដែនមួយចំនួនអស់ចិត្ត ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ ជាទូទៅ មានការយល់ស្របគ្នាថាបញ្ហាព្រំដែនដែលជាប្រធានបទនយោបាយដ៏ក្តៅគគុក និងស្ថិតក្នុងភាពអាថ៌កំបាំងជាយូរមកហើយនោះ ត្រូវបានរដ្ឋាភិបាលលើកមកបកស្រាយជាសាធារណៈ។ នេះជាពន្លឺមួយក្នុងភាពងងឹតសូន្យសុងនៃបញ្ហាព្រំដែន។ តើគេគួរដកបទពិសោធន៍យ៉ាងណាអំពីបញ្ហានេះ?ការបកស្រាយរយៈពេលជាង៥ម៉ោងនៅចំពោះមុខសភា និងចំពោះមុខប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរ អំពីបញ្ហាព្រំដែន បានធ្វើឲ្យអ្នកតាមដានព្រឹត្តិការណ៍នេះជក់ចិត្ត។ ជក់ចិត្តដ្បិតគឺជាលើកទី១ហើយដែលប្រមុខរដ្ឋាភិបាលបានលើកយកបញ្ហាដ៏ ក្តៅគគុក និងដែលស្ថិតក្នុងភាពអាថ៌កំបាំងជាយូរមកហើយនោះ មកបកស្រាយជាសាធារណៈ។
រយៈពេលជាង៥ម៉ោងគ្មានការឈប់សម្រាក គឺជាវេទិកាដែលលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន មិនត្រឹមតែមានឱកាសបកស្រាយយ៉ាងពិស្តា អំពីដំណើរការបោះបង្គោលព្រំដែនជាមួយវៀតណាមតែប៉ុណ្ណោះទេ តែនេះក៏ជាវេទិកាដែលលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីប្រើប្រាស់ ដើម្បីការពារខ្លួនពីការចោទប្រកាន់ និងវាយបកទៅលើបក្សប្រឆាំង និងក្រុមអ្នករិះគន់វិញយ៉ាងចាស់ដៃ និងយ៉ាងគ្រោតគ្រាតផងដែរ។ យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ អ្នកតាមដានការបកស្រាយនេះ រាប់ទាំងតំណាងរាស្ត្របក្សប្រឆាំងដែលមានវត្តមានក្នុងរដ្ឋសភាផង បានផ្ចង់ស្តាប់ដោយយកចិត្តទុកដាក់តាំងពីដើមរហូតដល់ចប់។
ជាការពិត បញ្ហាព្រំដែនគឺជារឿងដ៏ស្មុគស្មាញ ទាំងលើទិដ្ឋភាពនយោបាយ និងបច្ចេកទេស។ ភាពស្មុគស្មាញនេះហើយដែលមហាជនទូទៅពិបាកវិនិច្ឆ័យថា តើអ្វីដែលលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីលើកឡើងមានភាពគួរឲ្យជឿជាក់កម្រិតណា? នេះគឺជាចំណុចមិនអស់ចិត្តទី១ ។ ចំណែកឯការមិនបើកឱកាសឲ្យតំណាងរាស្ត្របក្សប្រឆាំង ដែលជាម្ចាស់សំណួរ បានសួរដេញដោលទៅនឹងចម្លើយរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី គឺជាចំណុចមិនអស់ចិត្តទី២ ។ ចំណុចមិនអស់ចិត្តទាំងពីរនេះនៅតែបង្កមន្ទិលសង្ស័យនៅឡើយ ចំពោះបញ្ហាព្រំដែនបើទោះបីជាគ្រប់គ្នាហាក់មានអារម្មណ៍ជ្រះថ្លា ចេញពីភាពងងឹតសូន្យនៃភាពអាថ៌កំបាំងនេះក៏ដោយ។
ទោះជាយ៉ាងណា បើពិនិត្យជារួម ការបកស្រាយរយៈពេលជាង៥ម៉ោងនេះ ពិតជាមានសារៈសំខាន់ណាស់ សម្រាប់មហាជនខ្មែរជាទូទៅ ដែលស្ទើរតែមិនដែលបានដឹងឮទាល់តែសោះ អំពីដំណើរការបោះបង្គោលព្រំដែនជាមួយប្រទេសជិតខាង ក្រៅតែពីឮពាក្យរិះគន់ និងចោទប្រកាន់គ្នាអំពីការបាត់បង់ទឹកដីតាមរយៈសារព័ត៌មាន។
ដូច្នេះ ប្រាកដណាស់ថា ព្រឹត្តិការណ៍នេះគឺជាសញ្ញាវិជ្ជមានមួយ មិនត្រឹមតែសម្រាប់បញ្ហាព្រំដែនតែមួយប៉ុណ្ណោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែ ក៏សម្រាប់ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនៅកម្ពុជាទាំងមូលផងដែរ។ វិជ្ជមាននៅត្រង់ថា ទី១៖ វាបានបង្ហាញពីសេចក្តីក្លាហានមិនធ្លាប់ដែលឃើញរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាល ក្នុងការលើកយកបញ្ហាដ៏រសើបមកបកស្រាយជាសាធារណៈ។ ទី២៖ ការឡើងទៅឆ្លើយដោយផ្ទាល់មាត់របស់ប្រមុខរដ្ឋាភិបាលតាមសំណើ តំណាងរាស្ត្របក្សប្រឆាំងអំពីបញ្ហាជាតិធំៗ គឺជាដំណើរការដ៏សំខាន់មួយសម្រាប់សង្គមប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។ និងទី៣៖ ព្រឹត្តិការណ៍នេះក៏បានបង្ហាញពីការទទួលខុសត្រូវរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាល ចំពោះមុខសភា ក៏ដូចជាចំពោះមុខប្រជាពលរដ្ឋរបស់ខ្លួនផងដែរ។
ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ ព្រឹត្តិការណ៍នោះ ក៏បានជះចេញចំណុចអវិជ្ជមានមួយចំនួនគួរឲ្យកត់សម្គាល់ដែរ។ ជាក់ស្តែង រដ្ឋាភិបាលហាក់ដូចជានៅរឹតត្បឹតពេកចំពោះការផ្តល់វេទិកាខ្លះដល់ ម្ចាស់សំណួរដើម្បីបានដេញដោលបញ្ហាមួយចំនួន ដើម្បីឲ្យពួកគេអស់ចិត្តនឹងចម្លើយ។ ម្យ៉ាងទៀត បញ្ហាមួយចំនួនគួរតែត្រូវបានជជែកគ្នាដោយសម្ងាត់ រវាងអ្នកនយោបាយជាជាងលើកមកជជែកគ្នាជាសាធារណៈក្នុងស្ថានភាព «ហែកទ្រូងឲ្យក្អែកចឹក»។ នេះក៏ដោយសារតែកង្វះទម្លាប់ជជែកគ្នា រវាងគណបក្សកាន់អំណាច និងបក្សប្រឆាំងនេះឯង។
ម្យ៉ាងទៀត តាមរយៈការបកស្រាយរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី បញ្ហាព្រំដែនគួរតែជារឿងដែលអាចជជែកគ្នាបានក្នុងចំណោមអ្នកនយោបាយ ខ្មែរដោយមិនចាំបាច់លើកយកបញ្ហានេះទៅធ្វើជាចំណុចក្តៅនៃជម្លោះនយោបាយ ឡើយ ពីព្រោះវាជាប្រយោជន៍រួមរបស់ជាតិ។ ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្របានបង្ហាញច្បាស់ថា ជម្លោះនយោបាយ ជាពិសេសជម្លោះអំពីបញ្ហាព្រំដែនតែម្តង គឺជាប្រភពនៃការធ្លាក់ចុះរបស់កម្ពុជាក្នុងអតីតកាល ហើយវាក៏ជាប្រភពដ៏សំខាន់ដែរនៃការបាត់បង់ទឹកដីខ្មែរ។ ក្នុងបរិបទនេះ តើគេគួរប្រែក្លាយបញ្ហាព្រំដែនឲ្យទៅជាជម្លោះបែកបាក់រវាងខ្មែរ និងខ្មែរតទៅទៀតដែរឬទេ?
រដ្ឋាភិបាលទម្លាយសំរង់ខ្សែអាត់រវាងលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន និងលោក សុនឆ័យ
ដោយ លី ម៉េងហួរ
សំរង់ខ្សែអាត់ រវាងលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ជួបជាមួយលោក សុន ឆ័យ អ្នកតំណាងរាស្ត្រគណបក្សសមរង្ស៊ី កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៧ខែតុលា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ ត្រូវបានរដ្ឋាភិបាល ផ្សព្វផ្សាយនៅក្នុងគេហទំព័ររបស់ទីស្តីការគណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី។ ក្នុងអត្ថបទចំនួន ២៨ ទំព័រនោះ បង្ហាញថា លោកសុនឆ័យ បានទូរស័ព្ទ រាយការណ៍ជូនលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី អំពីសកម្មភាពរបស់ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំគណបក្សហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិច និងគណបក្សសមរង្ស៊ី នៅក្រៅប្រទេសក្រោយពីព្រឹត្តិការណ៍ផ្ទុះអាវុធ ថ្ងៃទី៥-៦ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ រវាងកងកម្លាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធ គាំទ្រគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា និងគណបក្សហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិច។
អត្ថបទចំនួន ២៨ ទំព័រ ជាភាសាខ្មែរ ដែលមានចំណងជើងថា
"សំរង់ខ្សែអាត់ សម្តេច ជួបជាមួយឯកឧត្តម សុន ឆ័យ ថ្ងៃទី១៧-១០-១៩៩៧ (
ម៉ោង ៧ និង ៣០នាទីយប់ )"
ត្រូវបានគេមើលឃើញក្នុងគេហទំព័ររបស់ទីស្តីការគណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី
ចាប់តាំងពីយប់ថ្ងៃទី៩ ខែសីហា ឆ្នាំ២០១២។ សំរង់ខ្សែអាត់
បានបង្ហាញនូវកិច្ចសន្ទនារតាមទូរស័ព្ទ ដែលលោក សុន ឆ័យ
បានរាយការណ៍ជូនលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន អំពីហេតុការណ៍
នៅក្រៅប្រទេស និងទំនាក់ទំនងរវាងក្រុមមន្ត្រីគណបក្សហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិច
និងគណបក្សសមរង្ស៊ី ជាមួយនឹងសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិ
ក្រោយពីព្រឹត្តិការណ៍ផ្ទុះអាវុធ ថ្ងៃ៥-៦កក្កដា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧។
ខ្សែអាត់នោះ ក៏ត្រូវបានលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន លើកបង្ហាញ ក្នុងរដ្ឋសភា នៅចំពោះមុខលោក សុន ឆ័យ ខណៈដែលលោកបានចូលពន្យល់បំភ្លឺរដ្ឋសភា អំពីដំណើរការបោះបង្គោលព្រំដែនកម្ពុជា និងវៀតណាម កាលពីព្រឹកថ្ងៃទី៩សីហា ឆ្នាំ២០១២។
លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បានលើកឡើងថា លោកតំណាងរាស្ត្រ សុនឆ័យ ជាចារកម្មរបស់លោក ដោយបានទទួលយកប្រាក់ចំនួន ១ ម៉ឺនដុល្លារអាមេរិក ដើម្បីធ្វើការងារលើការផ្តល់ព័ត៌មាន សម្រាប់ការប្រយុទ្ធគ្នា ក្នុងព្រឹត្តិការណ៍ផ្ទុះអាវុធថ្ងៃទី៥ និងថ្ងៃទី៦ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ រវាងកងកម្លាំងគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា និងគណបក្សហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិច។
លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ក៏បានចាត់ទុកលោកសុនឆ័យ ជាប្អូនធម៌របស់លោក និងបានផ្តល់ព័ត៌មាន ដែលនាំឲ្យគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា អាចទប់ទល់នឹងផែនការ ដែលរៀបចំដោយលោកញឹកប៊ុនឆៃ លោក ខាន់សាវឿន លោក ហូ សុខ ដែលមនុស្សស្មោះនឹងអតីតប្រធានគណបក្សហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិច សម្តេចក្រុមព្រះ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ។
នៅថ្ងៃសុក្រនេះ លោកសុនឆ័យ មិនអាចទាក់ទងបានទេ។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែបន្ទាប់ពីស្តាប់បទអន្តរាគមន៍របស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី នៅរដ្ឋសភា កាលពីព្រឹកថ្ងៃទី៩សីហា ឆ្នាំ២០១២ លោកតំណាងរាស្ត្រ សុន ឆ័យ បានប្រាប់អ្នកកាសែត ដោយចាត់ទុកថា ការចោទប្រកាន់របស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ពីទំនាក់ទំនងលោកជាចារកម្មនោះ ជាការចោទប្រកាន់ផ្តេសផ្តាស និងថាជាការបរិហារកេរ្តិ៍លើរូបលោក។
សូមរម្លឹកថា កាលពីខែឧសភាឆ្នាំមុន លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ក៏បានបញ្ចេញខ្សែអាត់សំឡេង នៃការទាក់ទងតាមទូរស័ព្ទរវាងលោក និងលោកកឹមសុខា ហើយថា រូបលោកផ្ទាល់ ជាអ្នកផ្តួចផ្តើមបង្កើតគណបក្សសិទ្ធិមនុស្សរបស់លោកកឹមសុខា 0ដើម្បីបំបែកសំឡេងរបស់គណបក្សសមរង្ស៊ី។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែកាលណោះ លោកកឹមសុខា បានបដិសេធ៕
ខ្សែអាត់នោះ ក៏ត្រូវបានលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន លើកបង្ហាញ ក្នុងរដ្ឋសភា នៅចំពោះមុខលោក សុន ឆ័យ ខណៈដែលលោកបានចូលពន្យល់បំភ្លឺរដ្ឋសភា អំពីដំណើរការបោះបង្គោលព្រំដែនកម្ពុជា និងវៀតណាម កាលពីព្រឹកថ្ងៃទី៩សីហា ឆ្នាំ២០១២។
លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បានលើកឡើងថា លោកតំណាងរាស្ត្រ សុនឆ័យ ជាចារកម្មរបស់លោក ដោយបានទទួលយកប្រាក់ចំនួន ១ ម៉ឺនដុល្លារអាមេរិក ដើម្បីធ្វើការងារលើការផ្តល់ព័ត៌មាន សម្រាប់ការប្រយុទ្ធគ្នា ក្នុងព្រឹត្តិការណ៍ផ្ទុះអាវុធថ្ងៃទី៥ និងថ្ងៃទី៦ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧ រវាងកងកម្លាំងគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា និងគណបក្សហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិច។
លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ក៏បានចាត់ទុកលោកសុនឆ័យ ជាប្អូនធម៌របស់លោក និងបានផ្តល់ព័ត៌មាន ដែលនាំឲ្យគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា អាចទប់ទល់នឹងផែនការ ដែលរៀបចំដោយលោកញឹកប៊ុនឆៃ លោក ខាន់សាវឿន លោក ហូ សុខ ដែលមនុស្សស្មោះនឹងអតីតប្រធានគណបក្សហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិច សម្តេចក្រុមព្រះ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ។
នៅថ្ងៃសុក្រនេះ លោកសុនឆ័យ មិនអាចទាក់ទងបានទេ។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែបន្ទាប់ពីស្តាប់បទអន្តរាគមន៍របស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី នៅរដ្ឋសភា កាលពីព្រឹកថ្ងៃទី៩សីហា ឆ្នាំ២០១២ លោកតំណាងរាស្ត្រ សុន ឆ័យ បានប្រាប់អ្នកកាសែត ដោយចាត់ទុកថា ការចោទប្រកាន់របស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ពីទំនាក់ទំនងលោកជាចារកម្មនោះ ជាការចោទប្រកាន់ផ្តេសផ្តាស និងថាជាការបរិហារកេរ្តិ៍លើរូបលោក។
សូមរម្លឹកថា កាលពីខែឧសភាឆ្នាំមុន លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ក៏បានបញ្ចេញខ្សែអាត់សំឡេង នៃការទាក់ទងតាមទូរស័ព្ទរវាងលោក និងលោកកឹមសុខា ហើយថា រូបលោកផ្ទាល់ ជាអ្នកផ្តួចផ្តើមបង្កើតគណបក្សសិទ្ធិមនុស្សរបស់លោកកឹមសុខា 0ដើម្បីបំបែកសំឡេងរបស់គណបក្សសមរង្ស៊ី។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែកាលណោះ លោកកឹមសុខា បានបដិសេធ៕
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Combat Journalism: CQR Is reporting on global conflict worth the risk? By Frank Greve Introduction Chr...
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ព្រះករុណាព្រះបាទសម្តេចព្រះនរោត្តម សីហនុ « ព្រះបរមរតនកោដ្ឋ » បានស្ថាបនាសាកលវិទ្យាល័យភូមិន្ទបាត់ដំបងតាមរយៈ ព្រះរាជក្រឹត្យលេខ ៣៤/៦៨.ប.រ ចុះថ្... -
By Sam Rany 1. There is a jump in higher education in Cambodia, what do you see from this development? Actually, I o...
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https://www.box.com/files/0/f/0/1/f_2876428255#/files/0/f/0/1/f_2876428255 International Journal of Higher Education ISSN 1927-... -
Academic Adjustment Issues in a Malaysian Research University: The Case of Cambodian, Laotian, Burmese, and Vietnamese Postgraduat...
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https://www.box.com/profile#/profile/183918435/page/1/1/2876421805 International Journal of Learning & Development ISSN 216...
